Council of Jamnia

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I heard that the Falashas in Ethiopia were still using an LXX based canon when discovered but in Hebrew.
Actually, no, the Beta Israel’s Scriptures are in (based on what I can infer) the Ge’ez language, pretty much the Ethiopian liturgical language. (They don’t use Hebrew, apparently.) And while their canon does have one similarity with the Greek (Christian) in that it contains the deuteros, IMHO it’s hardly ‘LXX-based’.

Ethiopian Jews have a rather unique system, see. Of primary importance is the so-called Orit (from Oraita, the Aramaic equivalent of Hebrew Torah). The Orit comprises of the Torah proper (Genesis to Deuteronomy) plus Joshua, Judges and Ruth; in other words, the word’s nuance is probably closer in nuance to ‘Octateuch’.

All the other writings are of secondary importance. The Ethiopian Jews accept most of the Hebrew OT (with the possible exception of Lamentations - the sources I’ve seen aren’t very clear on this), plus four of the deuteros and some apocrypha: Sirach, Judith, Baruch, Tobit, plus 4 Baruch, Greek 1 Esdras (a combined version of Ezra-Nehemiah), and Latin 2 Esdras (aka 4 Ezra), 1 Enoch, Jubilees, 1 and 2 Meqabyan (not the same as the Greek 1-2 Maccabees), the Testament of Abraham, the Testament of Abraham, and the Testament of Jacob.

On the third tier are writings that are influential but not really ‘scriptural’: works like the Nagara Muse (The Conversation of Moses), Mota Muse (Death of Moses), or Te’ezaza Sanbat (Precepts of the Sabbath). Interestingly, these are some of the latest Ethiopian Jewish literature: the Te’ezaza Sanbat, for example is a medieval adaptation of a Christian homily, with any blatantly Christian references edited out; for example, ‘Jesus’ to ‘God’, ‘the sign of the cross’ to simply ‘sign’, etc. (This isn’t very surprising: quite a number of literature actually reached Ethiopian Jews by way of Christian sources.) The Nagara Muse, in fact, dates from the 18th century!
 
Maybe it is ‘canons’. As in different localities have a slightly different canon or rather a different set of canons, each one being a different layer depending on usage: liturgical, scriptures, commentary, inspired reading, etc.
There was no ‘fixed’ canon, but there was apparently a de facto standard: the 24/39 protocanonical books. (That of course doesn’t mean every synagogue or every community would have had access to every book, like we Christians have today with our Bibles: remember that the OT writings back then were really a library of scrolls.) What Jews simply did was stick to the same old books that they have been using for years. It’s (likely) Christians who thought, “hey, these books here are on par with the other Scriptures!”

Take for example Sirach / Ben-Sira. It’s such a famous work even among Jewish circles that even for later Jews, Ben-Sira is a more-or-less known figure. (In fact, one of our main sources for the original Hebrew text of Sirach are medieval copies from an old synagogue in Cairo.) It was never accepted as Scripture, but it was a rather popular piece of work. Early Christians on the other hand did not just use these books, they elevated them, considering them on the same level as Genesis or Isaiah.
 
I don’t think you should be speaking of “the LXX canon [giving] way to the MT canon,” as if the Hebrew canon is a subtracted version of the Greek canon. For one, it’s highly doubtful that there was even a fixed Greek canon.

Properly speaking, the term ‘Septuagint’ really only applies to the Greek translation of the Torah/Pentateuch made during the 3rd century BC (according to an early legend by a group of seventy-two Jewish elders commissioned by a Greco-Egyptian king). Where it gets confusing is the early Church Fathers (who also came up with the term ‘Septuagint’) twisting this legend a little bit, so that now all the sacred Jewish literature, not just the Torah, was supposedly translated into Greek by these seventy-two (or seventy) translators.

Thanks in part to the Church Fathers’ rather broad use of the term, what ‘Septuagint’ or LXX precisely means nowadays is a little fuzzy. Depending on the context or even who you ask, it could either be:
(1) The 3rd-century Greek translation of the Torah only. (The oldest Greek translations of the other biblical books would be called ‘Old Greek’ or OG. A few nitpicky scholars prefer this term.)
(2) The oldest Greek translations-versions of OT books as a whole. (The OT was translated into Greek a number of times; sometimes these translations could have multiple versions or revisions. Unlike (1), this version doesn’t distinguish between the Greek Torah and the OG versions, applying the same label to them both.)
(3) The version/s of the scriptural books favored and used by early Christians, no matter whether they were the oldest versions made or not. (For example, early Christians tended to favor the so-called Theodontic version of Daniel than the ‘Old Greek’/‘LXX’ version.)
The problem with speaking of an ‘LXX canon’ is that it kind of assumes that the earliest Greek translations (LXX/OG) were already compiled into a fixed collection, what some people call the ‘Alexandrian canon’. But this theory really has some fatal flaws in it: (1) while this theory rests on the assumption that Hellenistic Jews were kind of disconnected from Palestinian Judaism - where the 24/39 book canon was becoming the de facto standard - and so came up with their own idea of the canon, that doesn’t really seem to be the case. In fact, Hellenistic Jews are probably more conservative than Palestinian Jews.

(2) There’s the fact that early biblical manuscripts are really just of single books (say, a scroll of Isaiah, a scroll of Deuteronomy) or single categories of books (a Torah scroll, a scroll of the Minor Prophets). In the case of the LXX/Old Greek versions, one should probably think not of a fixed collection of translations, but independent translations and versions circulating around. It would be Christians in the 4th-5th century who would come up with the idea of putting all these (translations of) books considered authoritative into a single volume together. It’s really telling that it’s Christians who have produced these ‘LXX’ manuscripts.

It actually could turn out that this supposed ‘LXX/Alexandrian canon’ (which became the foundation of later Christian canons - with the exception of the Protestant one) is not actually Jewish, but a Christian invention. In other words, we should probably be thinking of Christians taking the 24/39-book Hebrew canon - which was accepted as a de facto standard both by Palestinian Jews and Hellenistic Jews - and adding further books into them. What Protestants did then is drop out those ‘extra’ books that early Christians have added into the canon.

So it pretty much all boils down to: ‘did the early Church have the authority to determine the canon of Scripture (to include* books as seen fit)’?
  • Whenever you speak of the canon in an early Christian context, it’s pretty much always about ‘addition’ or ‘inclusion’. Only people considered heretics like Marcion really ‘subtracted.’ 😉
Then there is this explanation Septuagint Version apparantly the LXX was used for correcting errors that appeared in the Hebrew text.
 
In Albert C. Sundberg, Jr. “The Old Testament of the Early Church” Revisited, he made the following observations:

Furthermore, it has become evident that the Septuagint circulated in Palestine. This inference was suggested to Semler (1771:1.124-128) by the use of the Septuagint in the earliest Christian writings of the New Testament. As noted, Murabaât produced fragments of six Minor Prophets (Micah, Jonah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephniah and Zechariah) in Greek. Barthélemy has shown that the text of these fragments, assigned to the end of the first century C.E., is most probably a recension of the Septuagint and is very similar to Justins Old Testament quotations (Barthélemy 1953). This shows that a Greek text type used among Christians of the second century was current among Jews in Palestine in the first century C.E. Similarly, K. Stendahl (1954:177-180) has provided support for Swetes suggestion that the venue for the text of the New Testament quotations from the Old is to be found in a Palestinian Septuagint tradition. Pfeiffer was probably right saying that the Christians took their Old Testament in Greek before the closing of the canon at Jamnia. But the implication of the above is that the Greek Old Testament adopted by the Christians was received from Palestinian rather than Diaspora Judaism (Cross 1995:128, n. 2).

As the findings of such studies were working their way into scholarly acceptance, the findings of the “Scrolls of the Judaean Desert” kept bringing new and stunning finds to the worlds attention. These finds included fragments of a manuscript in the “Cave of Horror” at Nahal Hehal which belongs to the Greek recension of the Twelve Minor Prophets (Stendahl 1954:177; Cross 1995:47-148; and Lewis 1989). A large cache of Aramaic and Greek documents of the Bar Kokhba era were purchased from tribesmen (Cross 1995:48). All the legible manuscripts found in Cave 7 at Qumran are in Greek, one being the Letter of Jeremy (VanderKam 1994:36). Among the horde of manuscript fragments in Cave 4 were leather fragments of two Septuagint manuscripts, one of Leviticus the other of Numbers (Cross 1995:34, n. 3).

The evidence of the use of Greek by Palestinian Jews, thus, has greatly increased. It is now evident that the Septuagint circulated in Palestine long enough by the first century C.E. to have undergone a Palestinian revision and it is apparent that it is that revision that became the Greek Old Testament in the early church (Sundberg 1964:86-94). Hence, the old linguistic/geographic division between Palestine/ Alexandria, Palestine: Hebrew, Aramaic/Alexandria: Greek, no longer obtains. Rather, Palestine can now be viewed as substantially bi-lingual: Aramaic (and Hebrew as a learned language) and Greek. Thus, the linguistic argument, Hebrew, Aramaic: Palestine/Greek: Alexandria, Diaspora, is lost.

Just additional information for those interested
 
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