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Guest
Even with Donald Trump’s victory, and potential to name another pro-life Supreme Court justice to replace a pro-choice one, I do not believe that overturning Roe v. Wade can be maintained politically. Demographically, the Democratic electoral coalition consists of groups with the highest rates of abortion: age <45 years, blacks, unmarried women, people who never attend religious services, and residents of cities over 50,000 people. By contrast, the Republican electoral coalition consists of people aged 45+, white men, white non-college graduates, married men, Christians, people who attend religious services at least monthly, suburban, and small city and rural residents. See: foxnews.com/politics/elections/2016/exit-polls
Abortion “rights” (e.g., Roe v. Wade’s right to privacy) only applies to one demographic group: women of childbearing age. That’s a very powerful demographic group of voters. Women know how to organize their votes, and in cities, pro-chioce women have access to electoral coalitions that make them a powerful voting block. While about 2/3 of state legislatures are Republican-controlled, about 2/3 of large cities are Democrat-controlled. In electoral politics, large cities help pool power for their residents, which tend to be younger, more likely to be minorities, single, and poor.
There are recent examples of Republican state legislatures attempting to control the actions of their “liberal cities,” only to be outflanked by those cities. Take, for example, the North Carolina 2016 “bathroom bill,” which first arose in response to the Charlotte City Council passed a non-discrimination ordinance that included gender identity in public accommodations. The NC legislature and governor passed “House Bill 2” to require individuals to use restrooms corresponding to the sex on their birth certificate. The bill also prevented NC municipalities from enacting anti-discrimination policies of their own. While the “bathroom use” part of the law was repealed in March 2017, largely due to economic pressure from corporate and nonprofit events and activities pulling out North Carolina, the other parts of the bill remained. Municipalities throughout North Carolina also passed resolutions against the bill. The North Carolina example illustrates how cities can reach beyond their boundaries to organize power effectively.
I’ll also add that in every state I’ve examined, urban county abortion rates and ratios are much higher than non-urban counties.
In my opinion, abortion needs to move beyond a partisan issue, or I don’t see real progress ever being made.
Abortion “rights” (e.g., Roe v. Wade’s right to privacy) only applies to one demographic group: women of childbearing age. That’s a very powerful demographic group of voters. Women know how to organize their votes, and in cities, pro-chioce women have access to electoral coalitions that make them a powerful voting block. While about 2/3 of state legislatures are Republican-controlled, about 2/3 of large cities are Democrat-controlled. In electoral politics, large cities help pool power for their residents, which tend to be younger, more likely to be minorities, single, and poor.
There are recent examples of Republican state legislatures attempting to control the actions of their “liberal cities,” only to be outflanked by those cities. Take, for example, the North Carolina 2016 “bathroom bill,” which first arose in response to the Charlotte City Council passed a non-discrimination ordinance that included gender identity in public accommodations. The NC legislature and governor passed “House Bill 2” to require individuals to use restrooms corresponding to the sex on their birth certificate. The bill also prevented NC municipalities from enacting anti-discrimination policies of their own. While the “bathroom use” part of the law was repealed in March 2017, largely due to economic pressure from corporate and nonprofit events and activities pulling out North Carolina, the other parts of the bill remained. Municipalities throughout North Carolina also passed resolutions against the bill. The North Carolina example illustrates how cities can reach beyond their boundaries to organize power effectively.
I’ll also add that in every state I’ve examined, urban county abortion rates and ratios are much higher than non-urban counties.
In my opinion, abortion needs to move beyond a partisan issue, or I don’t see real progress ever being made.