R
Ridgerunner
Guest
Just a quibble at the edges here. I don’t see how the Japanese leaders could have reasonably believed their 'spiritual strength" would be sufficient much after Midway. They got their heads handed to them by Zhukhov in 1939. Yes, the Soviets were, at least until 1943, uncertainly able to prevail over Germany. But they had to be aware, after that, that the Soviets would prevail, were aggressively inclined in the Far East and could be a very strong enemy. In addition, U.S. production of materiel was, by Midway, already exceeding Japanese production and on the rise, and they had to know that. It was soon apparent that the U.S. (less so the Brits, but still in) was entirely willing to fight a two-front war, and if it became a one-front war against Japan?You’re right, and it is as I often say here, history is complex. It is a lot of either/and/or.
Several points:
The actual state of Japan’s fortunes in the war was largely unknown below the highest level of command and government. The efforts taken to hide the true results of Midway from general knowledge being a case in point as to how this was taken. The true state of affairs, as revealed in August, took the populace generally by surprise.
Large numbers of those at a high level of authority realized, at varying times, that it was highly unlikely that the Japanese could defeat the US, in any traditional, meaningful way. Indeed, the Japanese game plan in the war was a little ad hoc, from the first, with the main goal being to acquire a large amount of buffering territory, comprising the requisite resources to maintain their military capability, and defend this, while waiting for the US to negotiate, ending hostilities with Japan’s empire intact, and western influence in the Pacific basically gone. Central to this was the idea that the US would tire of the war, not possessing the racial virtues of Yamato, plus the concept, varying in application throughout the war, but central to the Japanese thinking, of the “decisive battle”. Midway, in Japan’s eyes was to be such a battle. From there on, that concept always drove Japanese strategy, again in an ad hoc fashion (the next decisive battle would be the decisive battle). There would be, at some point, a battle that would break the US will to continue the sacrifices. At the very end, this concept was behind the ketsugo plan. The idea of the decisive battle in Japanese planning had gone from that of a naval battle against the US fleet approaching Japan, after hostilities had begun, to the idea of a suicidal, unrestrained battle for each inch of the Home Islands, where, finally the US would back down from the bloodbath necessary to defeat Japan, and negotiate an end to the war on (it was assumed) at least a minimally acceptable level for Japan. This was the status of the Japanese strategy as of August 45. The aim was to ensure the continuance of the kokutai, and of the inviolability of the Home Islands, the position of the ruling structures, including the military, and, at best, the retention of some portions of the Japanese conquest, in China, Korea and a few other places. This was the position of the Anami group.
Even this position recognized that, in any traditional sense, the war was “lost” (note that even those who accepted this had varying ideas about what this meant). The power structure (the Supreme Committee for Conduct of the War, and several ancillary persons, plus the Emperor) were ready for a cessation of the war, to preserve the national polity. What was at issue was how much bargaining room did they have. What they were not in agreement on was the idea of surrender, pre the bombs.What the bombs did was put an end to the idea that the Japanese had any means to control how the war ended, save to accept the Potsdam Declaration. Which, as even some of the Japanese ruling group could see, was not quite unconditional surrender. In this sense, I’d call the effect of the bombs military, political, and psychological.
I’ve noted before something Max Hastings said, in his RETRIBUTION ( a pretty good book on this general subject). Hastings said that the Japanese had no realistic sense of the connection between the state of the war at a given point and their ability to control/manipulate the end game. They lived in a fantasy world, fashioned from their culture and its assumptions, as developed in the pre war twentieth century, where their spiritual strength was always decisive over mere material strength, in the end. That conviction, and their actions over 15 years, cost them dearly. But not as much as it would have, given any other possible end game. And, as Marquis Kido asserted, it was the Nagasaki bomb that permitted a surrender; not in the sense of “face”, but in the sense of grasping at any meaningful ability to perpetuate the national polity.
I think we have discussed Yamamoto before. I see nothing to support anything along the lines you are suggesting.
Bottom line: we agree on the bottom line.
GKC
On the other hand, I can’t really argue against the proposition that at least some Japanese leaders might have thought perhaps they could salvage something in China. Realizing this is at least partly anecdotal, the Japanes gentleman of whom I spoke earlier told me there was no serious effort by Japan at all, near the end, to remove its soldiers from China, though there were some efforts at resupply. Granted, Japan’s ability to get its soldiers back was minimal. But to not even try when there was a strong likelihood the home islands would be invaded? I can’t now remember the numbers, but it was upward of a million Japanese soldiers still in China when the war ended.
The man of whom I spoke considered himself, and rightly, extremely fortunate to have been able to surrender to western forces instead of to the Soviets. But it was a near thing for him, and the whole “dividing up” process was pretty arbitrary.