Fundamentalist objection to statues?

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The cherubim were in the holy of holies, and it is toward the temple and specifically where those statues were that the Jews bowed down.

See psalm 5:7 where this is explicitly said. “I will worship toward the temple.”

Not only that, bowing down in front of real cherubim (not just statues) is going to be mandatory in heaven; for the same reason the golden statues are placed on the ark – because cherubim act as the horses, or steeds, that carry God’s presence.

Cherubim are his throne and chariot; and Seraphim are above them.

The vision in revelation of the elders falling down in adoration before the throne of angels is proof enough; and this is also the same wording found in the old testament. “God rides upon the cherubim.”
If you are talking about the cherubim at the Mercy seat, note what is it that the Lord God said He would do there? Don’t you know that it was presumed that the temple or tabernacle is the place in the world amongst the Children of Israel where the Presence of the Lord their God was in those days. Certainly one would bow to the Presence of God, but to the presence of the cherubim at the Mercy seat no, absolutely not.

Ex:25:20: And the cherubims shall stretch forth their wings on high, covering the mercy seat with their wings, and their faces shall look one to another; toward the mercy seat shall the faces of the cherubims be.
21: And thou shalt put the mercy seat above upon the ark; and in the ark thou shalt put the testimony that I shall give thee.
22: And there I will meet with thee, and I will commune with thee from above the mercy seat, from between the two cherubims which are upon the ark of the testimony, of all things which I will give thee in commandment unto the children of Israel.

The following are all the cases in Revelations where the elders fell down, each and every case they worshiped God because of the Presence of God. Not because there where angles present in the Presence of God. Where do you get this stuff?

Rv:4:10: The four and twenty elders fall down before him that sat on the throne, and worship him that liveth for ever and ever, and cast their crowns before the throne, saying,

Rv:5:8: And when he had taken the book, the four beasts and four and twenty elders fell down before the Lamb, having every one of them harps, and golden vials full of odours, which are the prayers of saints.

Rv:5:14: And the four beasts said, Amen. And the four and twenty elders fell down and worshipped him that liveth for ever and ever.

Here it could be said the angels are the ones that fell on their faces and worshiped God.

Rv:7:11: And all the angels stood round about the throne, and about the elders and the four beasts, and fell before the throne on their faces, and worshipped God,

Rv:11:16: And the four and twenty elders, which sat before God on their seats, fell upon their faces, and worshipped God,

Rv:19:4: And the four and twenty elders and the four beasts fell down and worshipped God that sat on the throne, saying, Amen; Alleluia.
 
Josephus clearly states that images were forbidden to be made by the Jews or to reside in the Holy City for it represented man’s vain attempt to emulate God’s work. Only God can make an eagle, and for man to make a statue of one is blasphemous. Same goes for paintings. That’s probably why the Jews of antiquity had no plays. Their only entertainment was recounting the tales of their heroes.

Did the Jews even dance in Josephus’ times?
 
I believe God looks at the heart first and foremost. The rest is just fluff.

When catholics pray, they often automatically kneel, it is reminder to them that they are beggars before God, or “Lord have mercy on me” position, or Jesus’ postion in the Garden. Frequently it is in church which is a holy place. So kneeling in prayer is just the way we do things in church. If there happens to be a statue in front of us, then so what. We don’t even give it a second thought except that it is a reminder of whom we are addressing ourselves to. So if it happens to be a stature of St. Peter, our thoughts are with St. Peter and not with the plaster.

I believe God looks at the heart first and foremost. The rest is just fluff.

Besides you know catholics have devotions in so many ways. If they wanted to worship a statue, there would be a devotion of this sort and the priest would announce that they are having worship services to the plaster statue on tuesday night from 7 to 8 pm.

Just a thought.
Look, like I said, I was rased a Catholic, I know the difference between kneeling at the pews and kneeling at a statue, and so does anybody else, To clarify further, I remember some time back maybe as much as two years ago, EWTN was broadcasting that the Pope was somewhere in France, I think, and in the town square there was a statue of Mary and the Pope with carpet and a place nicely prepared to kneel, deliberately kneeled before the statue and prayed.
 
Ignorance of scripture? It is precisely to prevent such an interpretation as the one you gave concerning the cherubs in Exodus 25:18-20 that that we have the verse in Exodus 20:20 “You shall not make [images of what is] with Me; gods of silver and gods of gold shall you not make for yourselves”. There is no need at this point for the Torah to prohibit idols, for that was forbidden in the 10 Commandments. The verse refers to cherubs, the golden statues that would be housed atop the Ark in the Tabernacle. Even though such figures are to be placed in the holiest of all places, the people are not free to make them at will. The cherubs of the Temple must be made only of gold,not silver; golden replicas of them may not be made for use in synagogues, although synagogues are known as “miniature temples” and even in the Tabernacle itself, it is forbidden to add to the two that the Torah prescribes. If such statues are made where God has not commanded them, they are considered to be gods, like idols (Rashi)
Beside the point. We make statues that represent people because we believe in Jesus as God incarnate. Jews and Muslims regard this as idolatry.
 
Josephus clearly states that images were forbidden to be made by the Jews or to reside in the Holy City for it represented man’s vain attempt to emulate God’s work. Only God can make an eagle, and for man to make a statue of one is blasphemous. Same goes for paintings. That’s probably why the Jews of antiquity had no plays. Their only entertainment was recounting the tales of their heroes.

Did the Jews even dance in Josephus’ times?
Ths really represents a shift in Jewish thinking. Early in their history, the Israelites seem to have had a pretty lax interpretation of the commandment against images. It seems that what is really forbidden is more the depiction of the Deity Himself, although this rule is not always followed. Aniconism (the use of an abstract symbol or an empty space to symbolically represent a given deity) was a common feature of West Semitic religions in general and was by no means unique to the Israelites.

There are two types of aniconism, both related to one another: material aniconism, which refrains from using effigies, but rather makes use of abstract images or symbols - like poles ('asherah) or standing stones (maṣṣeboth) to symbolize the divine (cf. Greek xoanon and the Hindu lingam), and empty space aniconism, which makes use of an empty space as a symbol for the deity’s presence. Genuine West Semitic (Canaanite) religion in general was aniconic: for most West Semitic religions, a sacred place meant an open-air temenos with stelae. (There were exceptions to this, particularly in areas like cities, where we have evidence of iconic cults.) Now there are some cultures, like the Phoenicians who favored the ‘sacred emptiness’-type of aniconism: very often what was chosen was the image of an empty throne or animals like bulls, where the deity is envisioned to sit or ride upon.

West Semitic aniconism wasn’t of the “thou shalt not make any graven image” type, as the Israelite version was. While the norm amongst the majority was to use abstract symbols, there was nothing which prevented the use of actual effigies or figurines to represent gods. It was not a question of prohibition, but of preference and mentality.

The early Hebrews originally held the former, although they would also eventually adopt the latter. Within the Old Testament we often hear of maṣṣeboth being set up in commemoration of some event (usually a divine revelation) or in memory of someone (Genesis 28:18; 31:45-54; 35:14-15; 35:20; Exodus 34:4; Joshua 4:20-24; 24:25-27). It was not a huge step from the idea of the standing-stone as a sign of the presence of the divine or the manifestation of a god to accepting the stone itself as a representation of the deity, and there was not need for it to be hewn in the shape of a statue: even in its crude, natural shape, the maṣṣebah is a symbol of the god. In latter days, the connection between maṣṣeboth and worship of false gods seems to have strengthened to the point that even making one was eventually frowned upon altogether.

The cherubim in the Ark of the Covenant and in Solomon’s Temple, as well as the golden calf (and Jeroboam’s calves) all seem to be representatives of the latter category of empty space aniconism: the cherubim (we shouldn’t imagine here the cute babies of the Renaissance, but rather the winged men or human-animal hybrids of Ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian iconography) and the ‘calves’ are envisioned to be the steeds and/or the throne of the invisible Yhwh, the “Rider of the cherubim.”
 
Orthodox Israelite Yahwism seems to have been an aniconic religion (i.e. they did not directly portray their God but used symbols to mark His presence, for example the cherubs on the Ark), which by itself is not unique (a few of their neighbors seem to have aniconic tendencies as well). What set the Israelites apart was the active ban against direct portrayal of the divine.

The Israelites did not develop a unique art-style of their own or contribute anything of great importance or originality in the realm of arts and crafts, being content to borrow and adapt from their Levantine neighbors. The proscription in Exodus against making “carved idols” (pesel, traditionally “graven images”; also cf. Deuteronomy 5:8), may have discouraged creativity in this area. Nonetheless, images did exist throughout the history of Israel until the postexilic period: for instance, Gideon fashions an ephod of gold (Judges 8:27) and Micah’s mother contributed silver for the making of an idol (pesel) in Judges 17:3. The Tabernacle and the Temple of Solomon themselves were, on the face of it, a direct contravention of the literal understanding of the commandment, yet the Biblical authors did not denounce them.

The prohibition in Exodus was not so much against the act of making of images themselves but against idolatry (i.e. making an image in the purpose of worshipping it) to which the art could lead. The Israelites did, in fact, fashion images, which the prophets regarded, in a concept unique to Israel, as “idols” (cf. Isaiah 30:22; Hosea 13:2).

We now need to qualify this prohibition against images. Obviously, cherubim, serpents, lions, oxen, humans, and other images of ‘nature’ and ‘mythology’ were at times exempt from the ban - and it would seem that the prohibition of representations was less rigid in the preexilic period compared to later periods. What seems to be forbidden is more often than not the depiction of the Deity Himself - but again, this rule is not always followed, especially in the popular level. We have as possible extant examples of such both the winged sun-disc symbol above the bull-calf on the top tier of the Ta’anach cult stand and the Egypto-Phoenician winged disc/beetle symbol on the seal impressionslmlk on the handles of royal Judahite storage jars and even some personal seals.

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Cult stand from Ta’anach, five miles southeast of Megiddo (Northern Kingdom)

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Type G2T, bearing the image of a winged solar disk and the letters lmlk (le’melekh “to/for/of [the] king”)

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Type S4L, showing a four-winged scarab and the legend lmlk (above) and šwkh (Socoh)

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http://biblical-studies.ca/blog/wp-content/uploads/2006/04/Hezekiah_bulla.jpg

Two of Hezekiah’s seals, bearing the inscription: “Of Hezekiah, (son of) Ahaz, King of Judah”
 
Between the foreign pagan practices and the pure monotheism of orthodox Yahwism there existed a cult that may be called pagan Yahwism or perhaps more accurately, Yahwistic paganism, which represents a sort of fusion between the two. Of course in the background was the central monotheistic cult practiced in the Jerusalem Temple by its priests and preached by the Biblical prophets. While some of the kings of Judah (such as Hezekiah and Josiah) made efforts to centralize the monotheistic cult in Jerusalem, we must conclude by looking at the archaeological evidence that they were less than 100 percent successful. Indeed, until the Babylonian destruction of Judah and the end of the Israelite monarchy in 586 BC, pagan Yahwism was common even in Jerusalem, to say nothing of the rest of Judah.

The Old Testament implies that there were many shrines both in Israel and in Judah, coexisting with the Temple in Jerusalem, something which archaeology also attests to. Aside from the state-sponsored cultic centers at Dan and Bethel, there were probably also religious activity in places like Gilgal, Beersheba, Lachish, Shiloh, Shechem, Samaria, Hazor, Gezer, Nebo, Arad, Hebron, and Beersheba.

The thing about ancient religion is that there are different levels of cult (a particular group’s enactment of their beliefs and customs), and to some extent this is also true of Israelite religion. First off you have the domestic cult. Although there aren’t too many of them in the archaeological record, some homes had a modest household shrine, perhaps one equipped with simple paraphernalia like miniature altars, lamps, clay figurines or a ‘standing-stone’ (maṣṣebah) which the family members tended with care and regularity to ensure the family’s well-being. Family and clan tombs (for the Israelites, burial - “to be gathered to one’s fathers” - like most anything was a family affair) could also serve as places of ritual and reverence.

A local cult, meanwhile, is one that is maintained by a community - say, a village or several villages, or neighborhoods in urban areas. Worship sites for local cults seem to have been the bamoth (“high places”): open-air shrines located upon a natural or an artificial raised area (for example, a hill or a man-made mound or platform) outside a village, where villagers gathered for religious and communal festivals and other events (there was no clear distinction between the two in those days), perhaps equipped with nothing more than an altar (some may have a number of maṣṣeboth standing erect). A regional cult served an area larger than just a few villages, perhaps a tribal territory; we do not know much about them just as less is known materially about tribes than about villages in ancient Israel.

At the top stands the central cult, in particular the state cult. The Temple of Jerusalem and the sanctuaries of Dan and Bethel are two examples of this official, centralized form of religion. The central cult provides us an example of the interweaving of religion and politics (again, there was no “separation of Church and State” in the ancient world): Jeroboam sets up official sanctuaries in Bethel and Dan, two sites hallowed since ancient times, because he feared that his subjects would switch their allegiance to Judah if they were to go to Jerusalem. Hezekiah and Josiah both enact their religious reforms (centralizing - ‘restoring’ - Yahwistic orthodoxy by removing all unauthorized worship centers) as part of political actions: one can say that both kings ruled in rather politically-troubled times.
 
The close tie between the command against pesalim and the prior ban against worshipping other gods in the Decalogue suggests that the veto of images was directed toward any image that may be construed as an idol or cult artifact of another deity. The elaboration of this command in Deuteronomy 4:16-19 confirms that the commandment had in mind the ‘other gods’ of the previous one as at least the eventual understanding of this prohibition. Indeed the comprehensiveness of these formulations tended to make any kind of image, whether for purposes of worship or not, questionable.

We now need to distinguish between aniconism and iconoclasm, which might help clarify the issue of graven images. Aniconic cults are usually defined as those where there are no iconic representations of the deity (anthropomorphic or theriomorphic) serving as the dominant central or cultic symbol, while iconoclasm is the active, religiously motivated hatred of images, that is, the injunction against making or venerating images within a given religion, as well as the damaging and demolition of images of another religion. We can divide aniconism itself into two categories: (1) de facto aniconism, a more fairly tolerant form, and (2) programmatic aniconism, which moves toward a rigorous iconoclasm but which developed out of the aniconic tendency of an earlier time.

We do not know exactly when the Israelites, which eventually rejected even standing stones in its cult, moved from West Semitic de facto aniconism to a programmatic one (which is close to iconoclasm but developing out of the aniconic tendency of an earlier time). We can already see its signs however by the 7th century BC, when the Judahite name seals show a clear tendency towards aniconicity, a tendency that is not exclusive but begins even further back and then becomes quite pronounced. (There are two other Semitic peoples which moved from de facto standing-stone aniconism to iconoclasm: the Nabataeans and the Arabs.)

The strict view (avoidance of any figural depictions whatsoever) became the norm starting from the late Hellenistic to the Hasmonean period, just as Jewish monotheism finally becomes consolidated, although the trend was already slowly moving towards it for quite some time. The reason for this change of views is unclear; some suggestions include (1) as a reaction against the forced eradication of Jewish customs by the Seleucids and the desecration of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes; (2) a more stringent position reflecting the Sadducean position, who were generally in control of affairs in Jewish Palestine in the late Second Temple period (except for the era of Salome in 76-67 BC, when their rivals the Pharisees dominated); (3) as a part of the Hasmonean campaign to cultivate and assert a unique Jewish identity; and (4) a general reaction against Hellenization and the threat of foreign influences.

It is at this time direct portrayals of living things were now frowned upon by the devout: abstract designs were often preferred. To this end, most locally-minted Jewish currency at the time did not feature images of gods, men or animals as was common, but images of plants or suchlike as a concession. (The exceptions to this ‘no-images’ rule were Roman coins and, rather curiously, the Tyrian shekel in use at the Temple.) Take for example these coins of Herod the Great, Herod Antipas, and Pilate, respectively:

http://img171.imageshack.us/img171/6153/herod3736.jpg

http://www.holylandnumismatics.com/...f78eab33525d08d6e5fb8d27136e95/0/0/00448a.jpg

http://img713.imageshack.us/img713/5279/fontanille2.jpg

The Herods followed the Law when it suited them; they apparently were wise enough to not offend their Jewish subjects too much. Antipas did have his palace decorated with figures of animals, which would have been regarded as a transgression of the commandment, but he minted coins which bore only abstract symbols for his Jewish subjects and did not try to force Greco-Roman culture on them. (Contrast this with Philip, who ruled in gentile cities and thus was could be quite conventional in his choice of imagery.)
 
Even the houses of priestly and aristocratic families in Jerusalem, while built and decorated in the Greco-Roman style, restrained themselves from portraying human or animal figures. Instead, the walls of these houses were mainly decorated with geometric patterns, imitations of architectural elements, or floral motifs. In fact, while Solomon’s Temple was replete with imagery derived from common Levantine religious iconography, Herod’s Temple was by contrast apparently mostly devoid of such representations, although Josephus does say that the Temple curtain portrayed “a panorama of the heavens except the signs of the Zodiac,” and that vines wrought of gold hung over the doors of the sanctuary (War 5.5.4 (210); Antiquities 15.9.2 (394); cf. m. Middoth 3.8; Tacitus, History 5.5).

Martin Goodman (Rome and Jerusalem: The Clash of Ancient Civilizations) writes:

Jewish culture was more oral than visual: when Jews referred to themselves in Hebrew as understanding a truth or a command, they would say that they had heard it; by contrast, in Latin, as in Greek and in English, the metaphor for comprehension is to “see” the truth. The aural metaphor, however, cannot have been overwhelming in the Jewish mentality, for Philo, writing in Greek, refers repeatedly to a false etymology of the name “Israel” as derived from the Hebrew ish-ra’ah-el, taken to mean “he who sees God.” At any rate, Jews in Jerusalem certainly demonstrated an appreciation of visual aesthetics both in the Temple and in the interior decoration of their houses. Excavated houses from the time of the war against Rome in 66-70 are decorated with patterned mosaic floors and wall plaster painted in the Pompeian Second Style. These provincials imitated Italy as others did elsewhere in the empire, even if they were behind the times in the fashions they followed. The major difference, clearly deliberate, was that the paintings in Jerusalem were wholly devoid of images of humans and only rarely included images of animals. The architectural frames of the pictures painted direct onto the plaster, and the deep reds and blacks, are all in the Italian style, but the central interest in each picture in Roman as in Hellenistic art, the depiction of the interplay of living bodies, is wholly lacking. The taboo which precluded such depictions was by no means static or universal among Jews, since later in antiquity Jews in the land of Israel were to commission fine synagogue mosaics with detailed images of humans and animals, and in the mid-third century CE the Jews of Dura-Europus depicted in detail on the walls of their synagogue a series of biblical scenes. Even in the first century, when Herod completed his rebuilding of the Temple by erecting an image of an eagle over its entrance, he must have believed this to be permitted in Jewish law, since he had just spent years, and huge amounts of money, in ensuring that the building be seen by his subjects as both magnificent and kosher. However, the riots that greeted the eagle image suggest that other first-century Jews disagreed with Herod’s interpretation. The “two sophists,” as Josephus describes the ringleaders of the crowd who tried to tear the eagle down, evidently saw the image as an affront, presumably in light of the commandment in Exodus, “You shall not make for yourself any graven image, or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth:,” although the symbolism of the eagle as an image of Rome may also have aggravated their anger. Later Jews were to interpret the commandment in Exodus in the light of the following verse (“You shall not bow down yourself to them [the images], nor serve them”), thus permitting images of all kinds providing that they are not worshipped, but most first-century Jews seem to have taken a hard line: the iconography on Jewish coins minted during the revolt against Rome reveals a willingness to depict objects such as palm branches, pomegranates and a chalice, but neither people not animals. Jewish homes thus lacked the riot of statues, reliefs and other images that enlivened the houses of their Roman contemporaries, and the public spaces of Jerusalem had no commemorative statues to link the citizens to the historic figures of the past.

However, this trend soon shifted back after the Bar Kochba revolt in AD 132-135, when Jews began to embrace art once more (cf. the Dura Europos synagogue in Syria, as well as Byzantine-era synagogues in Palestine). Again, there are a number explanations for the reintroduction of figural representation (not necessarily mutually exclusive): increasing Hellenization, increasing minority status which made the need the accomodation to the outside world more pressing, the slow decline of paganism and the perception that images are not really a threat to Jews and Judaism after all.
 
Getting back to the question of Fundamentalists and statues, even a lot of Fundamentalists let down their guard at Christmas time and set up little statues of the Nativity complete with Joseph, Mary, Baby Jesus, shepherds, Magi and a whole bunch of animals plus maybe a few angels.

Ask them how they can justify this and they will probably tell you the statues are just artistic representations, and something to look at to bring to mind the realities they represent. For a few months they think just like Catholics. Too bad they seem to put this attidtude back in the closet along with the nativity scene after Christmas is over…
 
Getting back to the question of Fundamentalists and statues, even a lot of Fundamentalists let down their guard at Christmas time and set up little statues of the Nativity complete with Joseph, Mary, Baby Jesus, shepherds, Magi and a whole bunch of animals plus maybe a few angels.

Ask them how they can justify this and they will probably tell you the statues are just artistic representations, and something to look at to bring to mind the realities they represent. For a few months they think just like Catholics. Too bad they seem to put this attidtude back in the closet along with the nativity scene after Christmas is over…
It does remind me of something. Why is it that when the question of images is brought up in a (Latin) Catholic context, we are almost always speaking of statues? Whatever happened to the paintings or the mosaics or any other two-dimensional media? I guess it can’t be helped since statues are very common in the West (if we’re having this discussion in an Eastern Catholic or an Orthodox context, we’ll probably be talking about the icons), but why limit yourself to sculpture? I don’t think that many of those who object to statues necessarily will think that portraiture are okay. 😃
 
I Certainly one would bow to the Presence of God, but to the presence of the cherubim at the Mercy seat no, absolutely not.
And yet here is a Scripture verse that talks about people bowing before angels:

And he came and stood near where I stood: and when he was come, I fell on my face trembling, and he said to me: Understand, O son of man, for in the time of the end the vision shall be fulfilled.—Daniel 8:17

And another:

Now when Joshua was near Jericho, he looked up and saw a man standing in front of him with a drawn sword in his hand. Joshua went up to him and asked, “Are you for us or for our enemies?”
14 “Neither,” he replied, “but as commander of the army of the Lord I have now come.” Then Joshua fell facedown to the ground in reverence, and asked him, “What message does my Lord** have for his servant?”
15 The commander of the Lord’s army replied, “Take off your sandals, for the place where you are standing is holy.” And Joshua did so.—Joshua 5:12-15**
 
=JDGaney;10449413]Hey, I know that we get the idea that building a statue that represents something from the plan of Salvation is not dangerous on the grounds that the Israelites were commanded to make a bronze serpent and had angels constructed on the Ark of the Covenant…
But recently a Fundamentalist told me that it is still bad to make a statue, referencing the golden calf, and that it was used to represent God in Exodus 32:5 - Now when Aaron saw this, he built an altar before it; and Aaron made a proclamation and said, Tomorrow shall be a feast to the Lord…
Are we doing the same thing?
Also, I know that we say that God commanded us to make statues, therefore statues are not bad, but didn’t God also command us to kill? Therefore, is killing not bad?
***My friend;

Like God HIMSELF; Truth is SINGULAR!

Because there IS only One God

Because that On same God MUST then have ONLY One set of Faith beliefs. God who IS Perfect caqn’t possibly [morally or theologically] hold more than one set of beloiefs on the same issues. IMPOSSIBLE!

And that One same God and His One set of truth REST squarly, securely and exclusively with the ONLY church and Faith he founded, and protects! PERIOD!😃

It IS NOT “the image” BUT the intended-purpose of the “the IMAGE” that is the KEY to RIGHT understanding.***

This is PROVEN by the 2 examples you gave of GOD HIMSELF COMMANDING images to be made.

ALL of those things that are intended to DRAW one CLOSER to God ARE Good!🙂

Anything that leads one away from God is BAD!:o

Its NOT the “object” its the PURPOSE of the “object” that needs to be judged! Can any object be misused? Surely! BUT that is man’s persona;l choice; not the objects abd not GOD"S!👍

**Aarons golden cald was BY intent MADE TO COMPETE with the REAL GOD! Thus it was and IS EVIL!

DON’T PERMIT SOMEONE FROM A COMPETING FAITH TELL YOU WHAT YOU BELIEVE!

The KEY"S TO HEAVEN were given to Peter and the CC by God for a reason:

One God
One Faith
One Church

EACH of which rest and rside FULLY guarded and protected from ALL competing heritical faiths by the Holy Spirt and Jesus Himself.

THESE ARE GODS PROMISES EXCLUSIVELY TOO HIS CATHOLIC CHURCH [and yes I CAN prove it biblically]

**John 14:16-17 **"And I will ask the Father, and he shall give you [SINGULAR] another Paraclete, that he may abide with you [SINGULAR!] for ever. The spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because it seeth him not, nor knoweth him: but you shall know him; because he shall abide with you,[SINGULAR!] and shall be in you".

**John 20:21-22 **"He said therefore to them again: Peace be to you.[SINGULAR] As the Father hath sent me, I also send you.[VERY SINGULAR!] When he had said this, he breathed on them; and he said to them: Receive ye the Holy Ghost [SINGULAR] …[Wth MY Powers AND My Godly Authority!]

John 17:15-19 " I pray not that thou shouldst take them out of the world, but that thou shouldst keep them from evil.

[16] They are not of the world, as I [GOD] also am not of the world. Sanctify them [SINGULAR] in truth.** As thou hast sent me into the world, I also have sent them into the world**. [19]*** And for them “my Apostles” and their successors SINGULAR!] do I [GOD] sanctify myself, that they also may [WILL]** be sanctified in truth*****.

Only we have the Fullness of God’s TRUTH; don’t permit other faiths to make you doubt it!

One God MUST have ONLY One Truth and as this states clearly that it REST within HIS CC! 👍

God Bless,
pat/PJM

John 17:15-19 "**
 
Doing a quick recap of the origins of Christian art here.

The earliest images which we could definitively identify as Christian appeared somewhere about AD 200. We don’t know for sure where the genesis of Christian art lies: according to the older view, it originated in Rome, but the predominant view today favors the East. At least. recent archaeological discoveries at Dura-Europos in Syria 1920 (specifically, the house church dating ca. AD 235) have lent support to the view that Christian art originated there. The earliest surviving specimens of Christian art, however, do derive predominantly from the catacombs of Rome.

Other exceptions to the Roman-Italian dominance of extant pre-Constantinian Christian art include the Cleveland marble sculptures (ca. 3rd century), which are assumed to have come from a family tomb in Asia Minor. Possible 3rd century frescoes have also been found in catacombs in North Africa and Thessalonica. Additionally, many surviving examples of early Christian relief sculpture on sarcophagi (coffins) may have been produced by ateliers in Gaul, although the influence of Roman workshops is apparent in their technique and style.

http://img822.imageshack.us/img822/9039/hart311.png
The house church at Dura-Europos


The Cleveland marbles


The Cubiculum of the Sacraments in the Catacomb of Callixtus, Rome


The Capella Graeca in the Catacomb of Priscilla, Rome


The Cubiculum of the Velatii in the Catacomb of Priscilla, Rome

http://images2.bridgemanart.com/cgi-bin/bridgemanImage.cgi/400wm.DGA.4735320.7055475/232195.jpg
Mother and child, from the Cubiculum of the Velatii

http://timothyryanlaferney.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/picture-1.png?w=267
Christ as Helios/Sol Invictus, detail of a vault mosaic in the Mausoleum of the Julii, Vatican (mid-late 3rd century)

http://img856.imageshack.us/img856/6428/sarcmariaantiqua.jpg
Sarcophagus from Santa Maria Antiqua, c. AD 270
It seems that the lack of Christian images during the first two and a half centuries can be traced not so much to the ban against graven images per se, but to a natural association in the early Christian mind of images and image-making with pagan religion and the whole pagan way of life. Already by the mid-3rd century, however, we have evidence in Christian literature of changing attitudes and by the next century religiously meaningful paintings began to occur in Christian contexts. (In this respect, Christians are in a similar situation to the Jews of the time period.)

One thing noticeable about most of these artworks is their funereal nature. Almost all existing pre-mid-4th century artwork was specificially created to decorate tombs or coffins. In fact, most surviving specimens can be grouped into two basic types: catacomb frescoes and the relief sculpture on sarcophagi. These, however, are by no means the only pieces of art that would have existed back then: documentary sources from the period reveal that Christians built or converted buildings or parts of buildings for their assemblies, and that they owned liturgical implements as well as scripture books. Unfortunately, these examples of material culture have been lost or destroyed over the centuries, perhaps even during the percecution of the 3rd and early 4th centuries. Another thing about them is how ambiguous they are: early Christian art were open to different layers of interpretation. In fact, they don’t even seem to be ‘Christian’ at all: they could very well be depictions of pagan or Jewish motifs. (For example, note the Christ-as-Sol Invictus mosaic above.) They are so simplified, almost schematic, indicating only the minimum necessary to call to the viewer’s mind the Biblical themes illustrated. Often they are no more than ciphers or pictographs. And the biblical texts also were abridged so that only essentials had to be represented.

The early Christians did not set out to produce an original or magnificent kind of art, but merely an art which would satisfy the needs of religious worship. Poverty, persecution, the need to remain in hiding, as well as religious and moral requirements outweighed aesthetic considerations and put magnificence out of the question. The earlest works were designed to meet practical needs and thus became symbolical and illustrative. It was an art in which beauty and harmony were not pursued for their sake, but reflected the preoccupations of people chiefly nterested in religious and moral matters.
 
The early Christians, living in a Hellenistic Roman culture, drew on the artistic techniques and motifs of that culture, and only introduced such changes as worship and conditions of life demanded. Not all the achievements of Greece and Rome were emulated, however: sculpture, which had so prominent a place in ancient civilization, declined and almost disappeared. The most important early Christian art forms were instead painting and mosaic.

Now the origins of veneration of images is quite unclear. Eusebius, writing in the 4th century, speaks about portraits of Jesus, Peter and Paul being made during their lifetimes and venerated by their contemporaries (Church History 7.18).

Since I have mentioned this city I do not think it proper to omit an account which is worthy of record for posterity. For they say that the woman with an issue of blood, who, as we learn from the sacred Gospel, received from our Saviour deliverance from her affliction, came from this place, and that her house is shown in the city, and that remarkable memorials of the kindness of the Saviour to her remain there. For there stands upon an elevated stone, by the gates of her house, a brazen image of a woman kneeling, with her hands stretched out, as if she were praying. Opposite this is another upright image of a man, made of the same material, clothed decently in a double cloak, and extending his hand toward the woman. At his feet, beside the statue itself, is a certain strange plant, which climbs up to the hem of the brazen cloak, and is a remedy for all kinds of diseases. They say that this statue is an image of Jesus. It has remained to our day, so that we ourselves also saw it when we were staying in the city. Nor is it strange that those of the Gentiles who, of old, were benefited by our Saviour, should have done such things, since we have learned also that the likenesses of his apostles Paul and Peter, and of Christ himself, are preserved in paintings, the ancients being accustomed, as it is likely, according to a habit of the Gentiles, to pay this kind of honor indiscriminately to those regarded by them as deliverers.

It is of course possible to dismiss this as a late anachronism, but it is equally possible that there may be a grain of truth behind this story. A negative attitude would seem to be out of place since as far as we know, portraits of Christ and the apostles were neither common nor particularly venerated in Eusebius’ time. (The cult of the veneration of images, starting with that of Christ, would only become increasingly common and widespread from the second half of the 6th century onwards.) It would be wrong to see in his text a reflection of the state of affairs that he himself knew from what he observed around him and all the more so since he himself was not too fond of images.

We are more likely to interpret correctly the passage of Eusebius if we consider it in connection with the story from the apocryphal Acts of John (ca. mid-to-late 2nd-3rd century) about John’s newly-converted disciple Lycomedes having a portrait painted of the apostle for private veneration. It should be added that the veneration shown it took the usual forms of the time: the portrait was placed on a table covered with a cloth, it was crowned with flowers, and two candles and altar were placed before it. John, upon knowing what Lycomedes had done, gives a discourse disapproving of portraiture and forbids the veneration of portraits and of a representation of himself. In spite of this, the fact remains that Lycomedes saw nothing wrong in possessing a portrait of his spiritual father, the apostle, or even in devoting to it a certain cult of veneration.

There is also the ambiguity of John not rejecting Lycomedes’ explanation that the painting helps keep his presence and teachings constantly before him. Instead, John focuses on another point: he convinces Lycomedes to forget about his physical appearance and instead paint a picture based on his words and on the palette of virtues that Jesus painted on the human soul: the art of preaching and restoring souls replaces painting. He calls his disciple’s eagerness and attachment for art “childish and imperfect,” but it is by no means a total condemnation of painting. His strongest remark is his criticism of Lycomedes’ possession of “a dead likeness of the dead,” but it apparently does not sway Lycomedes: the icon is a powerful substitute for the real man.

The apocryphon and Eusebius are unanimous in attributing this use to the portrait and its veneration to the first generation of Christians, who were accustomed to reverence their benefactors by a cult devoted to their portraits. It is probable that the first generations of Christians, if they did possess representations of Christ, the apostles, or martyrs, saw no wrong in surrounding them with material symbols of respect in memory of the person portrayed. In doing so, they were conforming to the usages of the social milieu to which they belonged (where for example, funerary portraits and masks were used mainly for commemorative, but also for cultic functions). More especially, it was customary at the time for the disciples of a great man, the founder of a religious sect or of a school of philosophy, to possess and also venerate his portrait. St. Irenaeus (Adversus haereses 1.23.4), and Eusebius (Letter to Constantia) purports that the disciples of Simon Magus did so; and we learn it also for Mani (from the same text of Eusebius and from other testimony). It was probably later that clergy, fearing a tendency to idolatry, opposed the practice and forbade not only the cult of veneration but funerary portraits themselves.
 
However, around AD 400, at the time that Christian figurative art burst into vigorous bloom and borrowed so many of the artistic usages of the past, this interdiction - if it was ever systematic - was definitely raised. Christian portraits and miniatures of these portraits became more and more frequent and were tolerated by Church authorities. This happened at the very same time that Theodosius II forbade the pagan ancestor cult, in a prohibition which ought to have been fatal to the art of the funerary portrait. But one branch of funerary art was saved by the Church, that of the portraits of the blessed dead, who were, by virtue of this, the legitimate objects of an authorized cult.

As a result of the prohibition, the funerary portrait of the simple mortal disappears at the end of the 4th century, while the iconographic formulas of funerary portraiture are retained exclusively for images of the saints. Something similar must have occurred with respect to the veneration which originally was devoted to any portrait of the deceased and which after about 400 was reserved for the images of saints. It goes without saying that at this period the veneration of saints had a commemorative character and involved only the forms that the early Christians reserved for the cult of commemorative portraits of any kind.

Here we see a difference in emphasis between the East and the West on the function and nature of images. The West has traditionally emphasized more the didactic, commemorative, and aesthetic aspects of the image. St. Augustine was a huge influence: on the hand, he was somewhat indifferent to art, arguing that images were unhistorical, juxtaposing elements which did not belong together and thus misleading the looker, and accused artist of over-literalism and anthromorphism, yet on the other hand, he had also praised beauty and the work of artisans as creations of God, and considered pictures to have at least an important illustrative value for the uneducated. More superior than pictures, however, is the word: images are viewed more as substitutes for the written text for those who cannot read.

The traditional Western view is summarized adequately by Pope St. Gregory the Great’s letter to Bishop Serenus of Marseille (ca. AD 600).

The beginning of your letter demonstrated to such a degree your priestly benevolence that we were highly pleased by your fraternal sentiments. But its end is so different from its beginning that we wonder whether the epistle proceeded from one mind or from two. Your doubts about the [authenticity of the] letter we sent you made you seem very rash. For if you had really paid attention to our fraternal admonishments, you would not only have had no doubts, but you would have known that your priestly dignity ought to compel you to do. The former abbot Cyriacus who carried our letters was of such deportment and learning to make it difficult to suppose that he would have dared to do what you thought, or that he could possibly have been an imposter. Your neglect of wholesome admonition has made you guilty of this doubt, in addition to being guilty of a bad action.

Word has since reached us that you, gripped by blind fury, have broken the images of the saints with the excuse that they should not be adored. And indeed we heartily applaud you for keeping them from being adored, but for breaking them we reproach you. Tell us, brother, have you ever heard of any bishop anywhere who did the like? This, if nothing else, should have given you pause. Do you despise your brothers and think that you alone are holy and wise? To adore images is one thing; to teach with their help what should be adored is another. What Scripture is to the educated, images are to the ignorant, who see through them what they must accept; they read in them what they cannot read in books. This is especially true of the pagans. And it particularly behooves you, who live among pagans, not to allow yourself to be carried away by just zeal and so give scandal to savage minds. Therefore you ought not to have broken that which was placed in the church not in order to be adored but solely in order to instruct the minds of the ignorant. It is not without reason that tradition permits the deeds of the saints to be depicted in holy places. If you had tempered your zeal with discretion, you could certainly have better achieved what you wanted, and rather than scatter the flock that was scattered, and so have enhanced the glory of your name of pastor rather than acquired the guilty name of a disperser. But by following your own rash impulse you, as I hear, have so scandalized your flock that the larger part of it is no longer in communion with you. How will you lead wandering sheep to the Lord’s fold if you are not able to keep in it those you already have? Therefore we exhort you to lay aside false pride, and immediately to do all you can to call back, with paternal love, those disaffected souls that you know to be outside the unity of your communion.

For these dispersed children of the church must be called back, and those passages of Holy Scripture should be shown to them that prohibit the adoration of man’s handiwork, for it is written, “Thou shalt adore the Lord thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve.” But then you should add that because you saw that those painted likenesses, made for the instruction of the ignorant, so that they might understand the stories and so learn what occurred, were being adored, you were so enraged that you ordered them to be broken. And you should also tell them: “If you wish to have images in church in order to gain from them the instruction for which they were formerly made, I freely permit them to be made and placed there.” And explain that it was not the sight of the story there related in a painted text that angered you, but the worship which had been paid to them illicitly.
 
St. Bede repeats Gregory’s line of reasoning:

There are some who believe that God’s law forbids us to sculpture or to paint, whether in a church or any other place, the figures of men or animals or the likeness of any other object … [They would not think thus] if they considered the works of Moses, who, at the Lord’s command, first made the cherubim in the propitiatory, and later on the brazen serpent in the desert, at whose sight the people were saved from the wild serpents’ poison. Now if it was permissible to lift up a brazen serpent on a piece of wood so that the Israelites who behold it might live, why should it not be allowable to recall to the memory of the faithful, by a painting, that exaltation of our Lord Saviour on the cross through which he conquered death, and also his other miracles and healings through which he wonderfully triumphed over the same author of death, and especially since their sight is wont also to produce a feeling of great compunction in the beholder, and since they open up, as it were, a living reading of the Lord’s story for those who cannot read? The Greek word for pictura is indeed zoographia, that is, “living writing.”

This is partly the reason why the art of manuscript copying and illumination became a fully-developed art form in the West: the image is married to and pressed to the service of the text. It is particularly telling that by 5th century, manuscript illuminations are clearly subordinate to the written text in striking contrast to earlier images, which are largely or completely independent of text. The pictures illustrate or comment upon the written word. (Cf. the Vatican Virgil or the Vienna Genesis). The West took this one step further: the text is art (cf. historiated initials, Hiberno-Saxon manuscript art, or Carolingian carmina [.jpg"]figurata]("http://www.public.asu.edu/~cschleif/2 [640x480)).

The East, meanwhile, in the second half of the 6th century and at the beginning of the 7th, a closer relationship had been established between imperial portraits and the images of Christ. The imperial portrait overlapped the divide between icons and idols: they were not icons, but honor was still shown to them. (In fact, the importance of the imperial image and its veneration seems to have grown under Christian emperors.) The Byzantine emperor, because he was thought to be chosen by God, was the object of a highly-complex ritual veneration; he was crowned in elaborate sacred ceremonies, at public receptions he sat on his throne receiving prostrations (proskynesis) from his subjects, and in a fixed ritual would be revealed and hidden by curtains. In the same vein, imperial portraits were usually accorded the same gestures of respect as the live emperor. The idea is that since the emperor, being human, cannot be everywhere all at once, it is necessary to set up an image of him in public areas - in every place, in fact, in which an official acts, there needs to be an imperial portrait present so the emperor may ‘confirm’ what takes place.

The symbolic and moral function of imperial art was accepted by early Christians, despite their attacks on pagan adolatry. The Church Fathers argued that pagan rulers had placed their statues in public places in order to turn their subjects from crime and delinquency through the awesome sight of the kingly likeness. St. Athanasius once said this in the context of discussing the Son’s relation to the Father:

And on hearing the attributes of the Father spoken of a Son, we shall thereby see the Father in the Son; and we shall contemplate the Son in the Father, when what is said of the Son is said of the Father also. And why are the attributes of the Father ascribed to the Son, except that the Son is an Offspring from Him? And why are the Son’s attributes proper to the Father, except again because the Son is the proper Offspring of His Essence? And the Son, being the proper Offspring of the Father’s Essence, reasonably says that the Father’s attributes are His own also; whence suitably and consistently with saying, ‘I and the Father are One,’ He adds, 'that you may know that I am in the Father and the Father in Me. ’ Moreover, He has added this again, ‘He that has seen Me, has seen the Father ;’ and there is one and the same sense in these three passages. For he who in this sense understands that the Son and the Father are one, knows that He is in the Father and the Father in the Son; for the Godhead of the Son is the Father’s, and it is in the Son; and whoso enters into this, is convinced that ‘He that has seen the Son, has seen the Father.’ for in the Son is contemplated the Father’s Godhead. And we may perceive this at once from the illustration of the Emperor’s image. For in the image is the shape and form of the Emperor, and in the Emperor is that shape which is in the image. For the likeness of the Emperor in the image is exact; so that a person who looks at the image, sees in it the Emperor; and he again who sees the Emperor, recognises that it is he who is in the image. And from the likeness not differing, to one who after the image wished to view the Emperor, the image might say, 'I and the Emperor are one; for I am in him, and he in me; and what you see in me, that you behold in him, and what you have seen in him, that you hold in me. ’ Accordingly he who worships the image, in it worships the Emperor also; for the image is his form and appearance. Since then the Son too is the Father’s Image, it must necessarily be understood that the Godhead and propriety of the Father is the Being of the Son.
 
Ignorance of scripture? It is precisely to prevent such an interpretation as the one you gave concerning the cherubs in Exodus 25:18-20 that that we have the verse in Exodus 20:20 “You shall not make [images of what is] with Me; gods of silver and gods of gold shall you not make for yourselves”.
This does not explain, for example, the bronze serpent (Num. 21:9), the ex votos of the Philistines which were accepted by G-d (1 Kings 6:5, 11), and so on. G-d does not have a problem with using material things or even statuary so long as they are not considered to be gods. Despite the fact that the verses refer constantly to prohibiting “gods” and “idols,” you hear now and then about someone claiming that the verse prohibits making all images or all images of dead people. But I don’t see people destroying these graven images which they have plenty of:
http://forums.catholic-questions.org/picture.php?albumid=1087&pictureid=9680
 
Under St. Basil the Great’s dictum that “the honor paid to the image passes to its prototype, and he who pays homage to (proskynon) the image, pays homage to the person whom it represents,” a legitimacy was given to the veneration of the Imperial portrait (which was not an uncontroversial practice). Due to fears of possible excesses, however, measures were made beginning with Theodosius II to curb the excess of this practice. Finally, after Justinian, efforts were made to substitute the icons of Christ and of the saints for the imperial image. It is suggested that the the forms of obeisance traditionally enjoyed by official portraits of the monarch was transferred to images of Christ as sovereign and, by way of these images, to all portraits of saints. (After all, “the honor paid to the image passes to its prototype.”) What is new is not the appearance or the increase of Christian portraits, but the development of a religious, rather than purely commemorative, veneration of Christian portraits and perhaps especially of the portrait of Christ.

The East had also developed a complex theology surrounding images, which is closely tied in with the Eastern-Western debate about divine essence and divine energies.

In the East, the icon does not only represent the prototype but actually makes it present by participation in its uncreated energies or grace. The aim of the iconographer is thus to induce that presence in the icon, with divine assistance. The image achieves its full meaning by the principle of identity between the image and the prototype; identity achieved through likeness or hypostatic relation and “familiarity” wth the prototype are constitutive principles of the image. St. Theodore the Studite once pointed out how the icon and its prototype are identical in likeness and name, but are distinct from each other in essence. It is because of this relational connection that one can offer veneration to an icon, and the honor thus given to the image passes on to its prototype. The Iconodule Fathers ensured the realization of the principle of identity between image and prototype; there is a clear distinction between icon and idol.

The Iconoclast controversy is centered around the idea of theosis, the assimilation of the divine likeness through cooperation with God’s uncreated energies. So what Christ is by nature, the icon and the saints are by grace. According to the theorists, the icons represented not just the humanity of Christ, but His deified humanity. The Iconoclasts rejected the view of the icon as a bearer of divine energies or grace (charis), which was confused with the divine essence or substance (ousia); in so doing they restricted the possibility of participation in the divine energies by means of icon veneration. The Icondules, on the other hand, had a more charismatic approach, not recognizing a division of God’s creation into sacred and profane parts. The icon, the relic, the holy man and the monk are all channels through the world was permeated by the holy, so that man himself could “[become] by grace what God is by nature.” (So St. Athanasius.)

There are also the ideas of oikonomia and enigma, as per St. Nicephorus. ‘Economy’ signifies the servitude and humiliation of God through the Son of Man. In taking on flesh, the holy countenance is made visible and salvation is brought to humanity. If the flesh of the Son is the carrier of salvation, then this salvation is likewise carried through the image, through the visible. The concept of enigma, meanwhile, goes deeper into the definition of “visibility.” It brings the system of referral into the visual medium. The iconoclast considered the icon to be the same as what is represented and must therefore refuse it on the basis of conflict between the sacred and the profane. With the concept of enigma, Nicephorus had introduced a “semiotic” dimension into the ontology of the image. This means that the image of Christ is a “visible invisibility;” in other words it makes visible in this life what will be visible hereafter: God the Father. The image is a veil, the affirmation of the hidden, and likewise the only possibility to see “what no eye has seen.” In Byzantine thinking, looking and honoring are always coupled with anagogy toward the divine being. This essence is guarded by a strictly regulated artistic canon.
 
Veneration of images was somewhat of a sensitive topic during that time; some people apparently feared that it might lead to idolatry (again, the correspondence between bishop Serenus and Pope Gregory). In fact, some pagans had also charged Christians with what looked like hypocrisy: attacking pagan idolatry only to pay homage to images. (cf. The anonymous Consultations of Zacchaeus and Apollonius, where the pagan character Apollonius chides the Christian Zacchaeus for the honor Christians pay to the Imperial portrait.) There was also the fact that pictures are indeterminate. Physically depicting angel could be misleading, artists do not agree on how to portray a particular saint or subject, leading to general confusion, and literal representations of symbolic things are sometimes frowned upon.

As we’ve seen earlier, there was a difference between the Western and Eastern view of religious art, with the West accepting it as a means of religious education, and with the East taking a sacramental view, which integrated the veneration of images into the liturgical life of the Church. Some decades before Gregory wrote to Serenus (around the 530s), bishop Hypatius of Ephesus also wrote a letter in response to certain concerns about images raised by his suffragan, Julian of Atramytion. Julian was alarmed about the veneration of images in his diocese and wrote to his metropolitan for counsel. Julian was concerned that “those who set up in the sanctuaries what is revered and worshiped, in the form of paintings and carvings like, are once again disturbing divine traditions.” He apparently cited biblical prohibitions against such representations (“not only does [the Scripture] forbid the making [of representations], but even bids us to destroy them when they are being made or are already in existence”), but added that he permitted the veneration of paintings but not statues. In response, Hypatius wrote:

It is necessary to examine the reason why Scripture says such things, and to understand at the same time why it is that the moulding of sacred objects is allowed. Inasmuch as some people believed (as Holy Writ says) that “the Godhead is like unto gold and silver and stones and the tracing made by man’s device;” (Acts 17:29) inasmuch as they invented to themselves material gods according to their fancy and “worshipped the creature more than the creator;” (Romans 1:25) [for this reason] it says: “Destroy and cut down their altars and burn with fire their graven images, (Deuteronomy 7:5,25) and take good heed of your souls, for ye saw no similitude on the day that the Lord spake unto you on the mount of Horeb out of the midst of the fire, lest ye corrupt yourselves and make you a graven similitude.” (Deuteronomy 4:15-16) For no existing thing is similar or equal or identical to the Trinity that is good and divine above all beings, and is the creator and cause of all beings. For “who is like unto thee, who shall be likened to thee?” (Psalm 70:19; 82:2 LXX) as we hear the divines sing.

This being so, you say, “We allow venerable paintings in sanctuaries, but in forbidding, as we often do, carving in wood and stone, we do not regard the latter as being free from sin, except on doors.” But, O my revered friend, we neither confess nor set down in writing that the Divine essence (whatever it may be) is similar or identical or equal to any existing thing. And as for the inexpressible and incomprehensible love of God towards us men, and the holy patterns set by the saints, we ordain that these should be celebrated in sacred writings, since, for our part, we take no pleasure whatever in any sculpture or painting. However, we permit simple folk, inasmuch as they are less perfect, to learn such things in an introductory manner by means of sight, which is appropriate to their natural development, having found that on many occasions that even the old and new ordinances of God may be brought down to the level of the weaker for the sake of their spiritual salvation. Indeed, even the holy prophet Moses, who made the above legislation at God’s prompting, set up in the Holy of Holies golden images of the cherubim of beaten work. And in other cases we see the divine wisdom through its salutary love of men sometimes relaxing its strictness for the sake of souls that are as yet in need of guidance. …

For these reasons, we, too, permit material adornment in the sanctuaries, not because God considers gold and silver, silken vestments and vessels encrusted with gems to be precious and holy, but because we allow every order of the faithful to be guided in a suitable manner and to be led up to the Godhead, inasmuch as some men are guided even by such things towards the intelligible beauty, and from the abundant light of the sanctuaries to the intelligible and immaterial light….

We can compare to Gregory’s letter to Serenus. Hypatius himself does not like art much and prefers the word over the image, but admits a definite, though subordinate, place for them in Church life, arguing that they are useful for “simple folk [who] are less perfect” and that God Himself had relaxed His laws for the weak - why should we do any less?
 
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