Here is the
link for the rest.
Please take the time to respond carefully and don’t cop-out.
Thanks for the letter, I’ve never read that before. I’ll only respond to a couple of points (unfortunately, the reply thread won’t let me quote the relevant portions for some reason, so bear with me).
First, the letter spends a lot of time denouncing the filioque clause. I’d rather not get into a discussion about that here, since it deserves it’s own thread and I don’t feel qualified to debate it (though I certainly believe it, if for no other reason than it has been infallibly declared as dogma in the Catholic Church).
Second, I’d like to address the final point made in the letter (or, at least, the portion of the letter you quoted). It is seems to admit that the Fathers recognized a kind of Roman primacy, but suggests that this primacy was based, not on Peter’s authority transmitted to the papacy, but rather on the civil greatness of Rome, the capital of the empire. Under this line of reasoning, it is argued, Rome’s primacy is not a permanent mark of the true church. I’d like to address this in a little detail.
Usually the Council of Chalcedon (451 AD) is invoked to support this view, which is exactly what this letter cites. The 28th canon of Chalcedon reads as follows:
“Following in every way the decrees of the holy Fathers and recognising the canon which has recently been read out—the canon of the 150 most devout bishops who assembled in the time of the great Theodosius of pious memory, then emperor, in imperial Constantinople, new Rome—we issue the same decree and resolution concerning the prerogatives of the most holy church of the same Constantinople, new Rome. The Fathers rightly accorded prerogatives to the see of older Rome, since that is an imperial city; and moved by the same purpose the 150 most devout bishops apportioned equal prerogatives to the most holy see of new Rome, reasonably judging that the city which is honoured by the imperial power and senate and enjoying privileges equaling older imperial Rome, should also be elevated to her level in ecclesiastical affairs and take second place after her. The metropolitans of the dioceses of Pontus, Asia and Thrace, but only these, as well as the bishops of these dioceses who work among non-Greeks, are to be ordained by the aforesaid most holy see of the most holy church in Constantinople. That is, each metropolitan of the aforesaid dioceses along with the bishops of the province ordain the bishops of the province, as has been declared in the divine canons; but the metropolitans of the aforesaid dioceses, as has been said, are to be ordained by the archbishop of Constantinople, once agreement has been reached by vote in the usual way and has been reported to him.”
At Chalcedon, then, there was a clear recognition of papal primacy, but the bishops thought that this primacy was based on the fact that Rome was the “imperial city.” Consequently, now that the capital of Rome had been moved to Constantinople, that see should enjoy some of the “privileges” of Old Rome.
I reject this theory. The hypothesis presented is that the pope owed his ecclesiastical authority to the fact that his see was in the capital of the empire. Now, while certainly Rome’s prestige as the imperial city contributed to the honor given to it in the patristic era, this hypothesis is far from explaining everything. First of all, while the bishops of Chalcedon do base Rome’s authority in part on its civil greatness, we must not forget that the council Fathers said that Peter continued to speak through the pope. Thus, even these bishops attributed Rome’s authority, at least in part, to Peter’s primacy.
Second, none of the earliest testimonies to Roman primacy grounds that primacy in political realities. Quite the contrary. In fact Ignatius, Irenaeus, Cyprian, Pope Stephen, Optatus, and Pope Julius state that Rome’s privileges derive either from her preeminence in faith or from her apostolic foundation by Peter and Paul. These are supernatural grounds, not natural ones. It is the Chalcedonian claim, then, which is more likely to be the innovation.
Third, Rome vigorously rejected the 28th canon of Chalcedon as an innovation. Now this
rejection cannot easily be dismissed, for the Eastern bishops and emperors had a motive to elevate their own central see at Constantinople. Actually, the emperors since Constantine had worked to hinder the activities of the papacy in the East. This observation alone casts a shadow of doubt on the Eastern attempt to minimize Rome’s authority, for it emerged from biased men with a motive to increase their own power in direct violation of the ancient canons of the church.
continued…