You’re going to have to provide evidence for this, as a mere claim does not suffice.
We need not stop to consider the question why Leo rejected the xxviijth canon of Chalcedon. It is certain that he rejected it and those who wish to see the motive of this rejection considered at length are referred to Quesnel and to the Ballerini; the former affirming that it was because of its encroachments upon the prerogatives of his own see, the latter urging that it was only out of his zeal for the keeping in full force of the Nicene decree.
Leo can never be charged with weakness. His rejection of the canon was absolute and unequivocal. In writing to the Emperor he says that Anatolius only got the See of Constantinople by his consent, that he should behave himself modestly, and that there is no way he can make of Constantinople “an Apostolic See,” and adds that “only from love of peace and for the restoration of the unity of the faith” he has “abstained from annulling this ordination” (Ep. civ.).
To the Empress he wrote with still greater violence: “As for the resolution of the bishops which is contrary to the Nicene decree, in union with your faithful piety, I declare it to be invalid and annul it by the authority of the holy Apostle Peter” (Ep. cv.).
The papal annulling does not appear to have been of much force, for Leo himself confesses, in a letter written about a year later to the Empress Pulcheria (Ep. cxvi.), that the Illyrian bishops had since the council subscribed the xxviiith canon.
The pope had taken occasion in his letter in which he announced his acceptance of the doctrinal decrees of Chalcedon to go on further and express his rejection of the canons. This part of the letter was left unread throughout the Greek empire, and Leo complains of it to Julian of Cos (Ep. cxxvij.).
Leo never gave over his opposition, although the breach was made up between him and Anatolius by an apparently insincere letter on the part of the latter (Ep. cxxxii.). Leo’s successors followed his example in rejecting the canons, both the IIId of Constantinople and the XXVIIIth of Chalcedon, but as M. l’abbé Duchesne so admirably says: “Mais leur voix fut peu écoutée; on leur accorda sans doute des satisfactions, mais de pure cérémonie.”
But Justinian acknowledged the Constantinopolitan and Chalcedonian rank of Constantinople in his CXXXIst Novel. (cap. j.), and the Synod in Trullo in canon xxxvj. renewed exactly canon xxviij. of Chalcedon. Moreover the Seventh Ecumenical with the approval of the Papal Legates gave a general sanction to all the canons accepted by the Trullan Synod. And finally in 1215 the Fourth Council of the Lateran in its Vth Canon acknowledged Constantinople’s rank as immediately after Rome, but this was while Constantinople was in the hands of the Latins! Subsequently at Florence the second rank, in accordance with the canons of I. Constantinople and of Chalcedon (which had been annulled by Leo) was given to the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople, and so the opposition of Rome gave way after seven centuries and a half, and the Nicene Canon which Leo declared to be “inspired by the Holy Ghost” and “valid to the end of time” (Ep. cvi.), was set at nought by Leo’s successor in the Apostolic See.
ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf214.xi.xviii.xxix.html
The point is that at the time of Chalcedon, the archbishop of Constantinople - the person who would be most benefited bycanon 28 - asserted that it must be approved by Leo’s authority. In other words, in the 450s, the belief existed that an ecumenical council must be approved by the pope, and so any claims that such a belief never existed until later is contrary to the witness of history.
And the rejection of that view is more than witnessed by history.
For instance, the Patriarch of Constantinople presided over the next Ecumenical Council over Pope Vigilius’ objections, though it would seem that the patriarchs who, according to the rejection of Chalcedon 28, should have preceeded him.
If you’re referring to Victor’s stance on the date of Easter, it is really not relevant. Many protested against Victor’s assertions, but most recognized his authority to make them. In fact, when he requested that local councils meet to decide in favor of his stance on the date, not only did councils convene all over the place, but most came down on the side of Victor’s stance.
And yet they rejected his “excommunication” of Asia, and rebuked him for it.
As regards Gregory, he was making a far greater and more important claim, and yet there was no protest against it. Even if the point were to be conceded on Victor, it would merely mean that as early as the 500s there was a consensus that Gregory’s claims were true.
St. John kept the title EP, over Rome’s objections. And Gregory couldn’t even control Italy, as Acquileia showed.