Is there any scientific evidence to back that up? Just because we’re not hearing anything else about it doesn’t mean everything’s fine down there. You’d eat fish from that area?
Also, nature didn’t just “clean it up” because we had to use oil dispersant, which might be a lot worse for us than the oil. But hey, I don’t see any more black blobs so it must all be clean right? Yeah, right.
Companies know how to take risks. Sure they don’t want a blowout, and they certainly don’t want to lose the oil, but it still happened due to negligence.
Let’s look at it from the correct perspective: the gulf they polluted is a shared resource. So we all pay the cost for their mistake. They should pay for that. Likewise we have an interest in protecting it. That is the role of government–to protect the community interest. That means roads, armies, and regulations on things that affect everyone.
I like you–you’re a nice enough guy, but I disagree with your fundamental philosophy that every man is an island. There has to be a balance between the individual and the group. Remember, our rights extend up until the point where they disrupt the lives of others.
It’s weird, I think most people I know would consider me conservative. Then I come to this forum and everything is flipped around.
“Defenders of the short-sighted men who in their greed and selfishness will, if permitted, rob our country of half its charm by their reckless extermination of all useful and beautiful wild things sometimes seek to champion them by saying the ‘the game belongs to the people.’ So it does; and not merely to the people now alive, but to the unborn people. The ‘greatest good for the greatest number’ applies to the number within the womb of time, compared to which those now alive form but an insignificant fraction. Our duty to the whole, including the unborn generations, bids us restrain an unprincipled present-day minority from wasting the heritage of these unborn generations. The movement for the conservation of wild life and the larger movement for the conservation of all our natural resources are essentially democratic in spirit, purpose, and method.”
Teddy Roosevelt, A Book-Lover’s Holidays in the Open, 1916
Teddy Roosevelt!
Puhleeze!! He was a “Progressive” … big government activist.
intellectualconservative.com/2006/11/17/teddy-roosevelt-progressive-president/
Excerpt:
None of the intellectuals foresaw that socialism has an inherent tendency toward totalitarianism. They did not understand that imposing socialist uniformity and forcing everyone downwards to the lowest common level of economic equality necessarily must be at the expense of individuals’ natural-law liberties embodied in our original Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
Teddy Roosevelt, and later to some extent Woodrow Wilson, were the answers to academic intellectuals’ prayers.
A damn-the-Constitution activist, Teddy Roosevelt became President after William McKinley’s assassination by social-justice anarchist Leon Czolgosz in 1901. Without pre-approval from Congress, for example, Teddy committed the nation to the cost of building the Panama Canal and started a civil war in Central America to obtain territorial rights. When asked where in the Constitution he found authority for these actions, Roosevelt said that he knew what the situation required and simply did it, whether Congress would concur or not. The Constitution, of course, requires that the Senate advise and consent on treaty matters and reserves to Congress the exclusive right to authorize expenditures of Federal funds.
In the Bismarckian mold, Teddy Roosevelt was a President prepared to take the bull by the horns and overthrow the entrenched ideas of Jeffersonian individuality that stood in the way of intellectuals’ conception of social justice and progress.
While he was not a devout believer in the religion of socialism, the effect of Teddy Roosevelt’s terms in office was to promote the liberal-socialist cause. Like all college-educated persons of that era, Roosevelt had been thoroughly exposed to the secular and materialistic doctrine of socialism, first as a Harvard undergraduate, then in public life. In his defense, it may be said that he confronted an America that was fundamentally different in the economic sphere from the America of 1776.
Surprisingly for a man who was well-educated in the classics, Roosevelt was heedless of the need to preserve the traditions of a government of laws, not of men. A clue was one of his favorite books, Edward Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, which advanced the theory that the rise of Christianity was the cause of Rome’s fall.
In power, Teddy was a headstrong man who consulted only his personal ideas of good, with indifference to legal precedent and the inherent rights of individuals under the Bill of Rights. It was the beginning of the “implied powers” doctrine that Teddy’s young cousin Franklin Roosevelt was to use twenty years later to impose a thoroughgoing system of socialism.
Teddy also set the pattern for our present-day expectation that the President is to be the dominant figure in national politics, grasping ever-greater measures of power at the expense of constitutional checks and balances. His legacy is an American public that labors under the delusion that a President can run the nation as if it were a private company. This, of course, is precisely the collectivized management and social-engineering demanded by liberal-socialists.