Rome in the early Church (long)

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Mystophilus

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In order to clarify some historical details, I thought that it might be helpful to write a post on the significance of the church and bishop of Rome during the time of the early Church. Catholic apologists often present lists of quotations from early Church Fathers testifying to the significance of Rome. Unfortunately, some also tend to avoid those which downplay such significance, an action which can lead to an inaccurate understanding of the situation in the Church at the time. Therefore, what I will be presenting are those passages. Do not misconstrue this as an attempt to dismiss the significance of Rome: the purpose is to rebalance the scales.

As a prefatory note, it should also be mentioned that, before the beginning of the Christian era, there had been a significant lingual and cultural split between the western end of the Roman Empire, in which Latin was the language of communication, and the eastern end, in which Greek, as a result of Alexander’s earlier conquests, held that role. This difference became very important in Church history.

In particular, we will be looking at passages from the Seven Ecumenical Councils, as presented in J. P. Tanner’s translation, on a Catholic website. All of these councils were held in the Greek-speaking east. The fact that the first of these only occurred in A.D. 325 might seem surprising until we remember that Christianity spent much of its early years under Roman suppression. Once Constantine converted, it became possible to gather representatives from throughout the Church and work to establish what doctrines were held true by all. This is a very important issue: under the belief that the Holy Spirit would protect the Church from error, it was expected that any belief upon which the majority could agree must be a correct belief. In other words, the early Church was a sort of representative democracy.

As for the Roman view of the councils, it might be worth noting that Pope Gregory I said, of the Ecumenical Councils which had occurred by his time, “I confess that I accept and venerate the four councils (Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus and Chalcedon) in the same way as I do the four books of the holy Gospel”.

These councils began with the first synod at Nicaea in 325, attended by (approximately) 318 bishops from various churches, at least three of which were from the Latin west, but the majority of which were from the Greek east. This was normal at the time, Christianity having begun in the east. In canon 4, the Council decreed that each bishop “should be appointed by all the bishops of the province”, and that “in each province the right of confirming the proceedings belongs to the metropolitan bishop”. The metropolis was the ‘mother city’, or the largest centre in the area. Note that this canon renders each of these churches autonomous in respect to its appointments. There is a similar effect in canon 5, in which inquiries into excommunications must be held by “all the bishops of the province”: the metropolitan bishop could not excommunicate by fiat.
 
Canon 6 specifies that Alexandria should have “authority over [Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis] since a similar custom exists with reference to the bishop of Rome.” This is the first reference to authority, and it clearly indicates the localisation of that authority: Rome had it, as a result of custom, over its neighbouring smaller churches, and so Alexandria had it over its neighbouring smaller churches.

Canon 7 records the honour to be due to the bishop of Aelia, i.e., Jerusalem, as being great, but not so great as that owed to a metropolitan, which is a further indication of the significance of those, and also a note to the effect that Jerusalem was not yet on their level.

The second council was held at Constantinople in 381. It was attended by 150 bishops, none of whom was from a Latin church. Their discussions were influenced by the writings of many figures in the church, including Damasus of Rome. It should also be noted that the bishop of Rome demanded the expulsion of the Bishop Maximus of Constantinople (for heresy), and that, at this council, the bishop of Alexandria was able to declare invalid the appointment of the new bishop of Constantinople, Gregory: one metropolitan deposed another.

Unfortunately, their decrees did not survive the erosive forces of history, but we do have some records of what was decided, including canon 2, which once again decreed the localisation of the power of bishops (including metropolitans), and canon 3, which said, “Because it is new Rome, the bishop of Constantinople is to enjoy the privileges of honour after the bishop of Rome.” Again, Rome is accorded greater honour, not greater power. The decrees were ratified by Theodosius I, co-Emperor of Rome: at this period, and later, the empire was so large that it had two emperors, one in Rome and the other in Constantinople, hence canon 3.

There is some doubt as to how much the bishops of Rome knew about the canons of these councils, although they certainly knew about the first four. What is also important in respect to this council is the letter from the attending bishops to Damasus, the Bishop of Rome. This emphasises the unity of the Church, and the absence of any Roman power over the east: “you should not now reign in isolation from us, given the complete agreement of the emperors in matters of religion. Rather, according to the word of the apostle, we should reign along with you’.” They advise Damasus, saying, “You, we and all who are not bent on subverting the word of the true faith should give this creed our approval.” They reaffirm the autonomy of each province, and describe as “canonical” the ordination of eastern bishops by eastern churches, emphasising this by using the term thrice in quick succession: in other words, they are telling Damasus that his approval was not necessary for their appointments. Quite possibly, they thought that he ought to be reminded because of his earlier demand regarding Maximus. Throughout this letter, they place great stress upon the need for unity through agreement: “we should reign along with you…. we wish to show that our intentions are peaceful and have unity as their goal…. You, we and all who are not bent on subverting the word of the true faith…. with the account of the faith agreed between us and with christian love established among us, we shall cease to declare what was condemned by the apostles, “I belong to Paul, I to Apollo, I to Cephas””. Note especially the fact that Paul and Cephas (Peter) were the martyrs of Rome, and that Rome was already being described as the See of Peter: that is unlikely to be an accidental reference.
 
The third council, at Ephesus in 431, and attended by 197 bishops, including Roman legates (representatives), holds less relevance to this topic except inasmuch as it highlights the role of the councils themselves, referring to the Nicene Creed as “the confessions of the holy fathers, which they made with the holy Spirit speaking in them, … the royal way”. It also later makes an interesting point about apostles: “Peter and John were equal in honour to each other, being both of them apostles and holy disciples”. Once again, it localises the power of bishops: “The same principle will be observed for other dioceses and provinces everywhere. None of the reverent bishops is to take possession of another province which has not been under his authority from the first or under that of his predecessors.”

An interesting point comes up with respect to the fourth council, at Chalcedon in 451, attended by some 400-500 bishops. Pope Leo I of Rome opposed it, preferring that all the bishops should instead sign his dogmatic letter. The council went ahead without hearing of his preference, and so he sent legates to it. The legates, and later the Pope himself, accepted the decrees of the council except for canon 28. This council again affirms the necessity of the unity of faith, proclaiming, “no one should disagree with his neighbour regarding religious doctrines”. We should also note that this council referred, together in one sentence, to the bishops of Rome and Constantinople as “Archbishop Leo” and “Archbishop Flavian”. There is no differentiation of titles.

Canons 4, 5, 10 and 12 of this council reaffirm, yet again, the localisation and unchanging nature of the power of the bishops and metropolitans. Canon 17, however, is more interesting, because it refers to disputes between bishops and says, “If there are any who are wronged by their own metropolitan, let their case be judged either by the exarch of the diocese or by the see of Constantinople”. It was to Constantinople, rather than to Rome, that they looked for mediation.

Canon 28, rejected by Rome, was one which ratified canon 3 of Constantinople in 381, saying “the city which is honoured by the imperial power and senate and enjoying privileges equalling older imperial Rome, should also be elevated to her level in ecclesiastical affairs and take second place after her. The metropolitans of the dioceses of Pontus, Asia and Thrace, but only these, as well as the bishops of these dioceses who work among non-Greeks, are to be ordained by the aforesaid most holy see of the most holy church in Constantinople.” What we see here is the growing rivalry between Latin-speaking “old Rome”, the original seat of power for the Empire, now embattled by the Goth invasions, and Greek-speaking “new Rome”, Constantinople. Canon 30 also exempts the Egyptian bishops from the requirement to sign Archbishop (Pope) Leo’s letter because they had no archbishop in Alexandria to ratify it, another demonstration that Leo’s authority did not hold there.
 
The fifth council was the second council at Constantinople in 553. This council was summoned because after Vigilius of Rome wrote a condemnation of the ideas of Theodore of Mopsuestia “but the bishops of the west and especially of Africa unanimously opposed it…. the Roman pontiff refused to take part in the council, because Justinian had summoned bishops in equal numbers from each of the five patriarchal sees, so that there would be many more eastern than western bishops present”. Again we can see that political division, one which the council did try to address, saying, “it is proper that the priesthood should impose a common conclusion to matters of common concern.” Trying to persuade Vigilius to attend, they appealed to history, saying, “Even though the grace of the holy Spirit was abundant in each of the apostles, so that none of them required the advice of another in order to do his work, nevertheless they were loathe to come to a decision on the issue of the circumcision of gentiles until they had met together to test their various opinions against the witness of the holy scriptures…. The holy fathers, who have gathered at intervals in the four holy councils, have followed the examples of antiquity. They dealt with heresies and current problems by debate in common, since it was established as certain that when the disputed question is set out by each side in communal discussions, the light of truth drives out the shadows of lying. The truth cannot be made clear in any other way when there are debates about questions of faith, since everyone requires the assistance of his neighbour.”
The next council was the third at Constantinople, in 680-1. This is particularly noteworthy for its anathematization (condemning and cursing with separation from God), of former bishops of Constantinople, Rome (i.e., Honorius), Alexandria and Antioch. In other words, they condemned patriarchs from four out of the five patriarchates, perhaps the most obvious demonstration of the power of these councils.

The last Ecumenical Council was held, as the first had been, at Nicaea, in 787. Apart from its reaffirmation of the acts of the sixth council, it holds little relevance here, except in that it also reaffirms the mediatory role of Constantinople: in canon 11, it states that, if the bishops of churches could not appoint administrators for them, the bishop of Constantinople “on his own authority has the right to appoint one over the other’s church”.

Hopefully, this should have given you some idea of the large, but not dominating, role that Rome played in the early Church, and also of the growing rivalry between Rome and Constantinople. Eventually, it was that rivalry which ended the unity of the Church. The event in question is something known as the Filioque Controversy. In essence, the Spanish church added “and the Son” (filioque, in Latin) to the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed’s “the Spirit proceeds from the Father”. This was done in order to curb a flourishing heresy. The addition spread eastwards, and was accepted by the bishop of Rome.

The Greeks went into apoplexy. Their problem was not the doctrine itself: Ephesus in 431 proclaimed that “the Spirit was poured forth by the Son, as indeed the Son was poured forth from the God and Father.” Their problem was the Creed had been altered by someone other than an Ecumenical Council. As Chalcedon in 451 had stated, “no one is permitted to produce, or even to write down or compose, any other creed or to think or to teach otherwise. As for those who dare either to compose another creed or even to promulgate or teach or hand down another creed for those who wish to convert to a recognition of the truth from Hellenism or from Judaism, or from any kind of heresy at all: if they be bishops or clerics, the bishops are to be deposed from the episcopacy”. In other words, by accepting an alteration of the Creed, the Greeks saw the Latins as being in breach of the Truth revealed through the Ecumenical Councils. Few enjoy being called heretics, and the rivalry between the old and new centres of secular power, and the cultural differences between the two ends of the Roman world added to the fire. The Latins demanded obedience to Rome, the Greeks rejected the Latins as heretics, and the Church schismed. 😦
 
Well, yes, that was long, and it probably would not have killed you to have proofread it. Hopefully, however, it will explain some things, and give others something to which they can refer.
 
My source.
Canon IX at the Council of Chalcedon reads:
Litigious clerics shall be punished according to canon, if they despise the episcopal and resort to the secular tribunal. When a cleric has a contention with a bishop let him wait till the synod sits, and if a bishop have a contention with his metropolitan let him carry the case toConstantinople.

Johnson.

Let the reader observe that here is a greater privilege given by a General Council to the see of Constantinople than ever was given by any council, even that of Sardica, to the bishop of Rome, viz., that any bishop or clergyman might at the first instance bring his cause before the bishop of Constantinople if the defendant were a metropolitan.

Hefele.

That our canon would refer not merely the ecclesiastical, but the civil differences of the clergy, in the first case, to the bishop, is beyond a doubt. And it comes out as clearly from the word proteron (= at first) that it does not absolutely exclude a reference to the secular judges, but regards it as allowable only when the first attempt at an adjustment of the controversy by the bishop has miscarried. Thiswas quite clearly recognized by Justinian in his 123d Novel, c. 21: "If any one has a case against a cleric, or a monk, or a deaconess, or a nun, or an ascetic, he shall first make application to the bishop of his opponent, and he shall decide. If both parties are satisfied with his decision, it shall then becarried into effect by the imperial judge of the locality. If, however, one of the contending parties lodges an appeal against the bishop’s judgment within ten days, then the imperial judge of the locality shall decide the matter. There is no doubt that the expression “Exarch” employed in our canon, and alsoin canon 17, means, in the first place, those superior metropolitans who have several ecclesiastical provinces under them. Whether, however, the great patriarchs, properly so called, are to be included under it, may be doubted. The Emperor Justinian, in c. 22 of his Novel just quoted (l. c.) in our text has, without further explanation, substituted the expression Patriarch for Exarch, and in the same way the commentator Aristenus has declared both terms to be identical adding that only the Patriarch of Constantinople has the privilege of having a metropolitan tried before him who does not belong to his patriarchate, but is subject to another patriarch. In the same way our canon was understood by Beveridge. Van Espen, on the contrary, thinks that the Synod had here in view only the exarchs in file narrower sense (of Ephesus, Caesarea), but not the Patriarchs, properly so called, of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, as it would be too great a violation of the ancient canons, particularly of the 6thof Nicaea, to have set aside the proper patriarch and have allowed an appeal to the Bishop of Constantinople (with this Zonaras also agrees in his explanation of canon 17). Least of all, however, would the Synod have made such a rule for the West, i.e., have allowed that any one should set aside the Patriarch of Rome and appeal to the Patriarch of Constantinople, since they themselves, in canon 28, assigned the first place in rank to Rome.

It appears to me that neither Beveridge, etc., nor Van Espen are fully in the right, while each is partially so. With Van Espen we must assume that our Synod, in drawing up this canon, had in view only the Greek Church, and not the Latin as well, particularly as neither the papal legates nor any Latin bishop whatever was present at the drawing up of these canons. On the other hand, Beveridge is also right in maintaining that the Synod made no distinction between the patriarchs proper and the exarchs (such a distinction must otherwise have been indicated in the text), and allowed that quarrels which should arise among the bishops of other patriarchates might be tried at Constantinople. Only that Beveridge ought to have excepted the West and Rome…
(All emphases mine)
It makes no sense for a council to on the one hand give a greater privilege to the see of Constantinople than has ever been given in a council to the see of Rome, and then on the other hand claim that the see of Constantinople is second in honour to the see of Rome. This can be explained if canons IX and XVII refer only to the exarchs in the narrower sense, as Van Espen explains.
 
This is a very important issue: under the belief that the Holy Spirit would protect the Church from error, it was expected that any belief upon which the majority could agree must be a correct belief. In other words, the early Church was a sort of representative democracy.
But what about Arianism? After the time of the first Ecumenical Council, Arianism was in the majority, was it not? Besides which in modern days, the majority of the Church subsists in the West; the Catholic Church. So if the Holy Spirit protects the majority, then the Holy Spirit must be on the side of the West.

Alternatively, the Holy Spirit does not protect the majority of the faithful, but there is an alternate system. Indeed, how can the East say that the Robber Council of Ephesus was invalid, whereas the Council of Chalcedon was valid? Catholics can point to which Council was held in Communion with the bishop of Rome. But what can the East point to?
 
My memory is very sketchy, but didn’t the Eastern Bishops try and “hi-jack” the Council of Chalcedon by preventing Pope Leo’s legates from attending?

And then when’ they read Pope Leo’s edict on homo-ousis (?) they all chimed in that “this is the voice of Peter”, even though the eastern bishops preferred homo-i-ousis?
 
If this paper is accurate, how then did Rome become the primary bishopric? (did I say that right?)
 
My memory is very sketchy, but didn’t the Eastern Bishops try and “hi-jack” the Council of Chalcedon by preventing Pope Leo’s legates from attending?

And then when’ they read Pope Leo’s edict on homo-ousis (?) they all chimed in that “this is the voice of Peter”, even though the eastern bishops preferred homo-i-ousis?
Forgive my ignorance but what’s the difference between homo-ousis and homo-i-ousis?
 
Forgive my ignorance but what’s the difference between homo-ousis and homo-i-ousis?
I certainly hope I have my terms right. I found this on Catholic Answers

Homo-ousis says that the Son was homo-ousios (“one in being” or “consubstantial”) with the Father. In other words, that the Son of God was himself God, was therefore eternal, and hence that there never was a time when he was not.

Semi-Arianism held that the Son was of like substance with God (homo-i-ousios), though not of identical in substance with him. All of these variants of Arianism were sometimes classified under the name Subordinationism (i.e., Christ as “subordinate” to the Father).
 
Once Constantine converted, it became possible to gather representatives from throughout the Church and work to establish what doctrines were held true by all.
The Council of Nicea was held before Constantine converted. Constantine was not baptized until he was near death, and then he was baptized as an Arian, not a Catholic.
 
The claim that the Bishop of Rome is head of all Churches is right!

The Council of Constantinople:
Canon 3. The Bishop of Constantinople, however, shall have the prerogative of honour after the Bishop of Rome; because Constantinople is New Rome.
newadvent.org/fathers/3808.htm

This, which is the 3rd Canon, clearly says that Constantinople gets an honor after Rome. After a time, the Bishop of Constantinople would get a higher honor than that of the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria, which had a secondary honor after the Bishop of Rome.

Council of Ephesus:
and that to him was given the power of loosing and binding sins: who down even to today and forever both lives and judges in his successors. The holy and most blessed pope Celestine, according to due order, is his successor and holds his place, and us he sent to supply his place in this holy synod, which the most humane and Christian Emperors have commanded to assemble, bearing in mind and continually watching over the Catholic faith.
newadvent.org/fathers/3810.htm

The whole Synod agreed with this statement and even said that they were of the same mind with them.
 
The Council of Nicea was held before Constantine converted. Constantine was not baptized until he was near death, and then he was baptized as an Arian, not a Catholic.
Considering that Constantine was actually present at the council in question, I would suggest that his conversion predated his baptism by more than the usual length of time.
 
Considering that Constantine was actually present at the council in question, I would suggest that his conversion predated his baptism by more than the usual length of time.
OK, he had a conversion of the brain first. But his conversion of the heart (his baptism) wasn’t until he was on his deathbed (I’m witholding judgement on Constantine’s motives, here).
 
One could also argue in this case, that it was the Bishop of Rome who helped defend the east from heresies and help keep the practice of using icons in existance.
 
But what about Arianism? After the time of the first Ecumenical Council, Arianism was in the majority, was it not? Besides which in modern days, the majority of the Church subsists in the West; the Catholic Church. So if the Holy Spirit protects the majority, then the Holy Spirit must be on the side of the West.

Alternatively, the Holy Spirit does not protect the majority of the faithful, but there is an alternate system. Indeed, how can the East say that the Robber Council of Ephesus was invalid, whereas the Council of Chalcedon was valid? Catholics can point to which Council was held in Communion with the bishop of Rome. But what can the East point to?
This is the problem with not proofreading: one leaves ambiguities.

First, I should add that the idea was that the majority of the bishops were right. You are right about Arianism: it flourished despite Athanasius’ efforts against it. There was a council after Nicaea (Sardica in 343, if memory serves) which validated Arianism, but it was overturned by Constantinople in 381 on the basis of not having been ecumenical.

Indeed, the same theory of ‘majority demonstrates truth’ would validate the ideas of Roman Catholicism in the eyes of the Orthodox, were it not for the Catholic disagreements with those councils, the most vital of which is the doctrine of Papal Infallibility, placing the bishop of Rome above the councils.

The council of Chalcedon is deemed to be valid on the basis that it was ecumenical; as I understand it, they do not consider Ephesus in 449 to have been so.
 
Arianism was never the majority at the time of the council of Nicea that is why the vote was 316 to 2.
 
This is the problem with not proofreading: one leaves ambiguities.

First, I should add that the idea was that the majority of the bishops were right. You are right about Arianism: it flourished despite Athanasius’ efforts against it. There was a council after Nicaea (Sardica in 343, if memory serves) which validated Arianism, but it was overturned by Constantinople in 381 on the basis of not having been ecumenical.

Indeed, the same theory of ‘majority demonstrates truth’ would validate the ideas of Roman Catholicism in the eyes of the Orthodox, were it not for the Catholic disagreements with those councils, the most vital of which is the doctrine of Papal Infallibility, placing the bishop of Rome above the councils.

The council of Chalcedon is deemed to be valid on the basis that it was ecumenical; as I understand it, they do not consider Ephesus in 449 to have been so.
The councils do not go against the Catholic Faith. Thus, I might add that there is never a council that rejected Papal Infallibility.. The Pope is certainly not impeccable, but he is infallible. I believe that the Catholic Church considers the Council of Ephesus is Ecumenical, since it is shown to be, on and official Catholic Website.

newadvent.org/fathers/

If you are having trouble with the Papal primacy then you should also check the Council of Nicea II, again. It really shows the primacy.
 
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