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Reform fizzling out
Saudi reformers, both Islamists and liberals, have been arguing since the events of 11 September 2001 that violence by Islamist extremists is likely to remain a danger as long as the Saudi state fails to tackle the political and religious factors which have so anchored this particular brand of Islamism in its society. They say the kingdom’s closed political system is partly responsible: it allows no legitimate channels for dissent, increasing the appeal of radical positions and ensuring that violence is seen as the only viable means for bringing about change.
In addition, 11 September and the attacks within Saudi Arabia gave many Saudi intellectuals the courage to contend openly that the tendency towards religious extremism is to a large extent reinforced by the predominant Wahhabi religious discourse which espouses a literalist and purist interpretation of Islam, rejecting all difference and judging world affairs solely in categories of belief and unbelief. Newspapers with liberal leanings, such as
al-Watan and
al-Sharq al-Awsat, now frequently publish opinion pieces lambasting what they see as a culture of intolerance inculcated by educational curricula and by the teachings and pronouncements of many religious scholars. Because it is engaged in a fight against Islamist extremists, the government allows this kind of criticism as long as it does not go too far in upsetting the official religious establishment.
But if the Saudi authorities gave some signs in 2003 of appreciating the strength of the arguments of its domestic and international critics — by expunging from school books material which incites hatred of other religions, announcing local elections and repeatedly advertising a commitment to all-encompassing reform — events over the past ten months suggest there has been a regression.
“Reform has been effectively frozen,” said Shaykh Abd al-Aziz al-Qasem, a former judge, who is part of a lobby which has been pushing for a more liberal political system. “There isn’t the momentum we had expected.”
Liberals and reform-minded Islamists had come together in 2003 to work out a joint vision for gradual political reform within the framework of Islam and the monarchy. Their proposals included an elected
Shura Council, an independent judiciary, freedom of expression and a greater role for women. Crown Prince Abdullah initially welcomed their ideas, which were put to him in a series of petitions, but as the reform lobby continued to press for concrete progress towards accountable government and constitutional monarchy, the rulers made it clear that they had lost patience with demands for change. Twelve of the petition’s organizers were arrested last March. Most were subsequently released after signing pledges to refrain from public statements. Three who refused remain in prison. In September, the state ruled that any public employee who criticizes policy in public or signs petitions faces losing their job.
No less disappointing to reformers has been the failure of the government to implement the recommendations of the National Dialogue sessions it organized over the last two years. The meetings provided an opportunity for Saudis representing different sectors of society to exchange views on crucial issues, such as relations between the Sunni majority and the Shi’ite minority, combating religious extremism and enhancing the role of women in society. At these gatherings the authorities heard again from their own local elites about the need for political participation, government accountability and reforming religious discourse.
But the rulers are clearly balking, and it is within a severely restricted political climate that February’s local elections are set to take place. For the first time in decades Saudis will be able to vote, but only for half the seats on local councils. Women are excluded from the poll this time, but officials say they will be allowed to vote in the 2009 local elections.
** Not surprisingly, however, the elections are failing to excite much interest, with only a quarter of the 600,000 eligible voters in the Riyadh area having registered by MEI press time. The councils have a very limited mandate; and the government will appoint half their members.**
Having clamped down on the reformers, the government seems to have decided that increased social spending, made possible by high oil prices, should ease tensions in society. With export revenues expected to reach $110bn — nearly twice last year’s figure — the government is in a position to address some of the social and economic problems which have fuelled the shift towards extremism among youth. It has been investing heavily in job-creation schemes and it has started repaying some of its massive public debt.
