The Substance of Revolutions

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Black_Rose

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No, I do not write this an as an apology for socialism or a polemic.

(It is not done yet though, but I did take a lot of time refine the form of this (perhaps at the expense of substance). I am posting what I have now since I will be away for a few hours and would like to see some feedback). The content was inspired by the discussion in a previous thread of mine.

“I know your deeds, that you are neither cold nor hot. I wish you were either one or the other! So, because you are lukewarm—neither hot nor cold—I am about to spit you out of my mouth”. – Revelation 3:15-16

“Nam et ipsa scientia potestas est.” – Francis Bacon
Translation: For also knowledge itself is power.

In order for revolutions to succeed, there must be certitude among the intellectual leaders of the revolution supported by the fervent devotion of the masses towards that political end. Such certitude needs to be based on knowledge derived from a sound epistemological foundation, not mere information. Knowledge, in this context, must not be obscured by the turbidity of doubt nor is it tentative in nature; this knowledge must be expressed in assertive confidence. The possession of this knowledge empowers one to persevere in their struggle against the predominant ideology that perpetuates and defends an unjust status quo. The formation of this knowledge is a necessary condition for the development of the steadfast devotion and dedication that enables one to make significant contributions and sacrifices to the cause. In contrast, doubt and uncertainty produces hesitation that would enervate the inexorable drive required for the triumph of the revolution and endangers its chances for success.

By definition, intellectuals are intelligent people who have superior, both in the relative and absolute sense, mental faculties such as memory, information processing, and abstract reasoning. Such abilities confers them the capacity to accurately analyze their world and environment, and process sensory information to yield insightful comprehension and understanding of the world. There minds are very permeable allowing them to facilely assimilate complex information that most struggle digesting. It is not their intellects that endow them with a unique advantage in the revolutionary struggle since their adversaries also include people who are similarly gifted. It is their ideas used as superior armaments that overwhelms and devastates their foes; their intelligence itself is not the weaponry employed but it does allow one to construct potent armaments and wield effectively. With their powerful intellects and superior ideas, these people can be effective paladins, strategists, and tacticians on ideological front when fighting for a revolutionary cause.

Their ideas are the product of their intellectual labor from the synthesis and integration of information from diverse sources. For political revolutionaries, their information is primarily derived from the domains of ethics, history, economics, and politics. They can use discrete and seemly unrelated information as raw material to manufacture complex, detailed models describing some aspect of the political world. These models, of course, have to be consistent with externally available empirical evidence and internally consistent with no obvious contradictions. Since these ideas are from personal rigorously analysis of the world, they intertwined with their sense of identity and are the highest expression of their individuality. Because of the profound insight, relevance, explanatory power, and analytic rigor these models possess, they can be regarded as knowledge.

These intellectuals are definitely aware of their talents and probably take immense pride in their abilities. They would not adhere to an ideology with transparent inconsistencies and falsehoods out of self-respect and would regard any proselytizing of blatantly untrue ideas directed towards them as insulting and disdainful. It would be shameful for them to accept falsehoods, meaning that their intellects cannot distinguish between fiction and reality. Their intellects also allow them to detect subterfuge, misrepresentation, deception, and artifice by invoking their superior retention of complex reasoning to expose false information presented as facts and their reasoning ability to sunder fallacious arguments. These are invaluable abilities in a political world driven by Machiavellian impulses which can aide one in the pursuit of objective truth. While they can trenchantly criticize opposing ideas and elucidate its flaws, such criticism must be applied to their ideas too and withstanding this criticism is a testament to its strength.
 
In addition to possessing a strong epistemological dimension as discussed above, but revolutions need a moral dimension too. Its ideas must not be of a subjective expression of disillusionment and discontentment but delineations of objective grievances. One does not advance their cause through querulous cries for “social justice” and righteous indignation but by indentifying obvious and palpable injustices. Righteous indignation may be necessary ingredient fostering passionate determination and will among the revolutionaries, but it alone is not sufficient fuel to sustain the revolution. The strong emotions of hatred are merely an inadequate ghost unable to interact with the world without the corporeal body of rationality to inhabit.

These people must also possess an advanced ability to reason morally approximately at fifth or sixth (post-conventional) stage of Lawrence Kohlberg’s model of moral development. They perceive morality not as rigid set of concrete rules enforced by the incentives of reward and punishment, but by social contracts and universal ethic principles extending beyond one’s selfish concerns for personal welfare. In order to resonate with the concerns of many people who possess differing and conflicting personal preferences and interests amongst themselves, they must be unified under a rational and objective morality that emphasizes their mutual interests. Moral grievances must be framed as violations of an inclusive, universal morality, not as mere statements of personal distaste. Using the terms of a broadly encompassing system of ethics allows them to articulate their point of view in a language that would be receptive to the interests of many people. Furthermore, they can address why the prevailing ideology is incompatible with their best interests.

Revolutionaries can have legitimate disagreements in concrete details and the means for achieving the ends of their cause, but they must share the same spirit, values, and objectives. Their movement cannot afford to be plagued by internecine conflict from irreconcilable differences that does not serve to advance their cause. Instead of insisting on rigid ideological conformity, priority must be given to flexible pragmatism. A punctilious attitude on perceived trivial flaws often ignores the relevant issues that comprise the essence of the movement. Instead of seeking to derive pleasure from magniloquently vanquishing intellectually inferior peons in argumentation, they must actively pursue the goals of the revolution instead of reveling in self-glorification and hubris. The movement’s objectives are to maintain a sustained revolutionary consciousness, not for the mere self-satisfaction of its members. The followers of the movement must subordinate their interests to the ultimate objective of the revolution’s success.
 
This would probably get an “A” in poly science. All I can say about it though,.
 
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