This is a long one:
What I have copied and pasted is just the section on the detrimental effects of the Rules of Engagement during the Vietnam War.
The full essay discusses in great detail seven myths of the Vietnam War. Excellent reading, a lot of detail.
freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1021097/posts
Myth #2: The impact of the Pentagon’s Rules of Engagement on our military capabilities in Vietnam has been greatly exaggerated.
Response: It is hardly possible to exaggerate the deleterious impact that the politically imposed Rules of Engagement (ROE) exerted, both on the actual military performance and on the morale of our forces. In fact, the political powers that be - in both Democrat and Republican administrations - understood well that the restrictions imposed on our forces were so clearly unreasonable and immoral that the American public would be totally outraged if they found out about them. So the rules were classified, and our troops and commanders were ordered not to mention them. It was 1985, ten years after the Communist takeover of Vietnam, before Senator Barry Goldwater succeeded in obtaining their declassification. The Rules of Engagement consumed 26 pages of the Congressional Record (March 6, 14, and 18, 1985). Summarizing some of the most outrageous curbs on our military, Goldwater said:
These layers of restrictions, which were constantly changing and were almost impossible to memorize or understand, although it was required of our pilots, granted huge sanctuary areas to the enemy. When certain limits would at last be removed after repeated appeals by the Joint Chiefs, the reductions were made only in gradual steps and seldom were strong enough to serve our strategic ends. Numerous partial and total bombing halts interrupted the effectiveness of earlier bombing campaigns. Often, when limited extensions of target areas were granted, they were unexpectedly canceled and withdrawn shortly afterward. What were some of the rules?
SAM missile sites could not be bombed while they were under construction, but only after they became operational.
Pilots were not permitted to attack a Communist MiG sitting on the runway. The only time it could be attacked was after it was in the air, had been identified, and had showed hostile intentions. Even then, its base could not be bombed.
Military truck depots located just over 200 yards from a road could not be destroyed. Enemy trucks on a road could be attacked, but if they drove off the road they were safe from bombing.
If a South Vietnamese forward air controller was not on an aircraft, it was forbidden to bomb enemy troops during a fire fight even though the Reds were clearly visible and were being pointed at by an officer on the ground. The aircraft’s bombs were dumped in the ocean.(20)
In 1972, Major General John D. Lavelle was relieved of his command of the 7th Air Force in Vietnam for protecting his men against imminent attack from Soviet jets being positioned in sanctuaries just across the border in North Vietnam. News accounts reported that General Lavelle ordered strikes against the enemy bases “after his pilots saw and photographed a five-month buildup of Soviet-built MIG jet fighters at three airfields just across the demilitarized zone, along with SAM missile sites, heavy 133-mm artillery guns, anti-aircraft guns and tanks.”(21)
General Lavelle stated:
At that time, as commander on the spot concerned with the safety of my men and at the same time trying to stop the buildup that was being made for Hanoi’s invasion of the South, I felt that these were justifiable actions.(22)
In his testimony before the House Armed Services Subcommittee, General Lavelle said of his actions: “If I had it to do over I would do the same thing again.”(23) Incredibly, during the same week that Lavelle was recalled, the North Vietnamese launched a major offensive against South Vietnam, prompting President Nixon to suspend the rules Lavelle had been accused of violating. Nixon then ordered tactical air strikes against some of the same targets Lavelle had singled out.(24)
Major General Frederick C. “Boots” Blesse, a flying ace of both the Korean and Vietnam Wars, said of the ROE in Vietnam:
We had a lot of restrictions under which we fought the war. One week you could hit a target, the next week it was on the no-no list. If you were on a mission to Hanoi and saw a train or other target of opportunity, you had to let it go – no authorization. We had to watch the first SAM sites being built, and couldn’t strike them because there might be some Russians helping to build the site. Our feeling was if you kill the site early, you’ll never have to take on more than one at a time. If you wait, they will build a ring of them, and while you are attacking one, another will be firing at you. If there was Russians there, it was because they chose to be. They should have to take the same chances we take for helping another country.(25)
“I was always taught as an officer that in a pursuit situation you continue to pursue until you either kill the enemy or he surrenders,” said General Harry W.O. Kinnard, commanding general of the 1st Cavalry Division, echoing the frustration of virtually every American officer in Vietnam. “Not to follow them into Cambodia violated every principle of warfare… It became perfectly clear to the North Vietnamese that they then had sanctuary; they could come when they were ready to fight and leave when they were ready to quit.”(26) Kinnard continued:
When [Communist North Vietnamese] General Giap says he learned how to fight Americans and our helicopters at the Ia Drang, that’s bulls***! What he learned was that we were not going to be allowed to chase him across a mythical line in the dirt. From that point forward, he was grinning. He can bring us to battle when he wants and where he wants, and where’s that? Always within a few miles of the border where his supply lines were the shortest, where the preponderance of forces is his, where he has scouted the terrain intensely and knows it better than we do.(27)
“The Ia Drang had plenty of water for drinking and for cooking rice,” recalls Lieutenant General Harold G. Moore in his Vietnam War bestseller, We Were Soldiers Once … and Young. “Best of all, for the PAVN [People’s Army of Vietnam], was its location on the border with Cambodia. The Vietnamese Communists came and went across the border at will; we were prohibited from crossing it.”(28) “We knew for a fact,” says Moore, “that the three North Vietnamese regiments that we had fought in the Ia Drang had withdrawn into Cambodia. We wanted to follow them in hot pursuit, on the ground and in the air, but we could not do so under the rules of engagement. Washington had just answered one very important question in the minds of Hanoi’s leaders.”(29)