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patrick457
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Oh yeah, some crucifixion-related reading.
Ancient Jewish and Christian Perceptions of Crucifixion by David W. Chapman (2008). Chapman’s book is specifically about how Jews in antiquity perceived crucifixion and what they thought about it, and in addition, how early Christians rejected or incorporated these Jewish attitudes into theirs.
Crucifixion in Antiquity by Gunnar Samuelsson (2013; he also has a webpage about his book and thesis here). Samuelsson examines mainly classical (non-Christian) sources that seem to describe crucifixion and concludes that there was no ‘crucifixion’ as we understand it today in antiquity, but rather, a series of what he calls ‘suspension punishments’, all of which have a few things in common (such as hanging the condemned person onto something), but which in reality should really be considered separate forms of execution. Our understanding of ‘crucifixion’, he claims, is really influenced by the kind of ‘suspension punishment’ Jesus experienced: while up to now the tendency is to read Jesus’ execution into these other executions, what he proposes is that all of these events need to be considered independently of each other.
Crucifixion in the Ancient Mediterranean World (PDF) by John Granger Cook. Cook has also recently published a scholarly tome on the subject, Crucifixion in the Mediterranean World (2014). Cook specifically responds to what he sees as Samuelsson’s excessively minimalistic and skeptical conclusions: contra Samuelsson, Cook asserts that yes, there is such a specific thing as ‘crucifixion’ as we understand it in antiquity. An advantage Cook has over Samuelsson is that while the latter limited his scope to written sources predating the Christian period (Greek and Roman authors plus pre-Christian Jewish sources and the New Testament only), Cook also takes other, post-2nd/3rd century written sources plus early iconographic depictions of crucifixion (the same ones I posted earlier) into consideration in his study.
The Constanza Carnelian and the Development of Crucifixion Iconography in Late Antiquity by Felicity Harley-McGowan. The author examines the oldest known images depicting the crucifixion of Jesus, starting from carved gemstone amulets dating from the 2nd to the 4th centuries.
The Staurogram in Early Christian Manuscripts: The Earliest Visual Reference to the Crucified Jesus? (PDF) by Larry Hurtado. Hurtado examines the staurogram (tau-rho) symbol found in early Christian manuscripts as an abbreviation for the Greek words stauros (“cross”) or stauroō (“crucify”), and proposes that this symbol actually served as a visual depiction of the crucified Jesus.
I consciously didn’t include works that approach crucifixion from a medical perspective (like those of Drs. Pierre Barbet and Fred Zugibe). Reason being, virtually all of these medical approaches take the Shroud of Turin as their foundation. There’s of course the issue of whether the Shroud is authentic or not. I personally believe that yes, it’s authentic, but even if it is, that brings us to the other issue: the Shroud would really only tell us about how one particular individual who suffered crucifixion died. So all those extrapolations from the injuries visible on the Shroud is applicable only to this particular person, not necessarily on the other crucifixion victims.
IMHO it’s a bit unscientific to simply assume that everyone who suffered crucifixion experienced it in the exact same way the Man on the Shroud (= Jesus?) did, because there’s no fixed rules for a crucifixion: at best, the only part of the ritual that was common across most or all crucifixions is that you beat or whip the victim first before you hang him/her up the gibbet in some way. The shape of the gibbet might be more or less established (a T or t) but there are no specifics as to how you’ll put up the victim there.
Ancient Jewish and Christian Perceptions of Crucifixion by David W. Chapman (2008). Chapman’s book is specifically about how Jews in antiquity perceived crucifixion and what they thought about it, and in addition, how early Christians rejected or incorporated these Jewish attitudes into theirs.
Crucifixion in Antiquity by Gunnar Samuelsson (2013; he also has a webpage about his book and thesis here). Samuelsson examines mainly classical (non-Christian) sources that seem to describe crucifixion and concludes that there was no ‘crucifixion’ as we understand it today in antiquity, but rather, a series of what he calls ‘suspension punishments’, all of which have a few things in common (such as hanging the condemned person onto something), but which in reality should really be considered separate forms of execution. Our understanding of ‘crucifixion’, he claims, is really influenced by the kind of ‘suspension punishment’ Jesus experienced: while up to now the tendency is to read Jesus’ execution into these other executions, what he proposes is that all of these events need to be considered independently of each other.
Crucifixion in the Ancient Mediterranean World (PDF) by John Granger Cook. Cook has also recently published a scholarly tome on the subject, Crucifixion in the Mediterranean World (2014). Cook specifically responds to what he sees as Samuelsson’s excessively minimalistic and skeptical conclusions: contra Samuelsson, Cook asserts that yes, there is such a specific thing as ‘crucifixion’ as we understand it in antiquity. An advantage Cook has over Samuelsson is that while the latter limited his scope to written sources predating the Christian period (Greek and Roman authors plus pre-Christian Jewish sources and the New Testament only), Cook also takes other, post-2nd/3rd century written sources plus early iconographic depictions of crucifixion (the same ones I posted earlier) into consideration in his study.
The Constanza Carnelian and the Development of Crucifixion Iconography in Late Antiquity by Felicity Harley-McGowan. The author examines the oldest known images depicting the crucifixion of Jesus, starting from carved gemstone amulets dating from the 2nd to the 4th centuries.
The Staurogram in Early Christian Manuscripts: The Earliest Visual Reference to the Crucified Jesus? (PDF) by Larry Hurtado. Hurtado examines the staurogram (tau-rho) symbol found in early Christian manuscripts as an abbreviation for the Greek words stauros (“cross”) or stauroō (“crucify”), and proposes that this symbol actually served as a visual depiction of the crucified Jesus.
I consciously didn’t include works that approach crucifixion from a medical perspective (like those of Drs. Pierre Barbet and Fred Zugibe). Reason being, virtually all of these medical approaches take the Shroud of Turin as their foundation. There’s of course the issue of whether the Shroud is authentic or not. I personally believe that yes, it’s authentic, but even if it is, that brings us to the other issue: the Shroud would really only tell us about how one particular individual who suffered crucifixion died. So all those extrapolations from the injuries visible on the Shroud is applicable only to this particular person, not necessarily on the other crucifixion victims.
IMHO it’s a bit unscientific to simply assume that everyone who suffered crucifixion experienced it in the exact same way the Man on the Shroud (= Jesus?) did, because there’s no fixed rules for a crucifixion: at best, the only part of the ritual that was common across most or all crucifixions is that you beat or whip the victim first before you hang him/her up the gibbet in some way. The shape of the gibbet might be more or less established (a T or t) but there are no specifics as to how you’ll put up the victim there.
Just correcting myself: the Latin word crux does not only refer to the upright post, the stake. It can be and is sometimes applied to the upright pole specifically, but as noted in the next paragraph, it can also be applied to the assembled device as a whole (a horizontal patibulum hoisted onto a vertical crux). But then again, so is the word patibulum.Fun fact: strictly speaking, the Latin word crux only referred to the upright post, the stake. (This I think is really the source of the confusion.) The horizontal beam that is attached to the crux is called the patibulum, the ‘yoke’.
Both terms - crux and patibulum - can sometimes be used to refer to the device as a whole, but in classical Roman sources, you also see a distinction in particular cases, say when describing what the condemned person bears: what the condemned carries is a patibulum, not a crux. We have no classical source that describe the carrying of a crux; they all speak of the patibulum being carried, the person bearing said beam towards the crux.