T
Trebor135
Guest
No worries.I’m sorry; that was meant as the general ‘you’.
I get what you’re saying now. Actually, I took him to be making a comparison between the Muslim majority and Christian minority as the religio-cultural blocs they were in the 1960s and 1970s Middle East, when Islamism had not become the dominant ideology in the region. Habash and his ilk came to prominence around the same time as Arafat and his comrades, all of whom subscribed to Arab nationalism. These figures and groups were on the ascent decades before the bouts of anti-Christian violence on the part of their Muslim neighbours that we now witness all too frequently, and which didn’t seem to have been on the author’s mind, became commonplace.How could a person (in this case the author you’ve quoted who used George Habash as an example of a supposed latent tendency in the Christian minorities to “display greater militancy than the Muslim majority”) make such a comparison, even implicitly. It boggles my mind. The Islamic militants are, after all, Islamic. Their religious motives, while certainly not being the sum of their motivations, are not incidental. Christian militants in the Middle East, by and large, are secularists. Heck, they by and large invented “Arab nationalism” as a secular alternative to the Islamic/theocractic militancy that otherwise flourishes in the region (see: George Habash, Jirji Zeydan, Michel Aflaq, etc).
Well, I neglected to mention–now that I think about it–the presence of four hundred thousand refugees who streamed in from the Holy Land in 1948 to find sanctuary in a religious-patchwork country of a few million souls, the entrance of side-switching Syria into the conflict early on in 1976, the establishment by the PLO of a virtual state within a state, the combat going on between Palestinian militants and their Israeli foes, the long-term occupation by the Zionist state of South Lebanon after its invasion of 1982, the negotiating/signing of a failed Beirut-Tel Aviv “peace treaty” by a Maronite president, and the violent intra-Muslim/intra-Christian squabbling. All of these factors sparked the fire and/or kept it burning. Would you like to amend that list?I don’t think it’s nearly that simple, but okay.
I agree that the term “Christian” doesn’t necessarily fit when applied to Habash and his ilk, and the label “secular” may not be entirely accurate when describing the Young Turks. (The Christian Armenians were slaughtered en masse in 1915, whereas under Atatürk’s republic the Muslim Kurds were allowed to live, but forbidden to speak their language up to 1991, with the ban continuing “in schools, parliament and other official settings on the grounds that it would divide the country along ethnic lines” as late as 2009.)My comment was really limited to why I don’t think George Habash is a good example of any kind of latent radical tendency among the Christians that is comparable to that of the Islamic radicals (primarily because I don’t think there is such a Christian tendency; there can be such a secular nationalist tendency that can even work together with Islamist goals, as in the pre-Ataturk Turkey of the “Young Turks” that saw the destruction of the Assyrians, Armenians and Greeks at the turn of the last century, but secular nationalism is not Christianity).
Worth remembering, too, is that The journalist who penned the obituary for Habash, for a British newspaper, would have been operating under the typical Western assumptions about religion (which either over- or under-emphasize its role), so to comment on the head of the FLFP’s actions with reference to the faith practiced by his family in a less-than-accurate manner is little surprise.
The folks in al-Qa`ida are not the sort that anyone should want to have to cut a deal with. The West has been offered truces, but how would it be possible for compliance by both sides to be measured and policed?I do not care to discuss the politics of al-Qaeda and their ilk. That presupposes a level of rationality and willingness to compromise that I don’t think we should assume that all who follow such a path possess. They are extremists, after all.
What I’m suggesting is that we have to take into account what bin Ladin and his comrades point to as their grievances and, even more important, to evaluate how much traction those issues have among their coreligionists. As I recall, one comprehensive poll found that eighty percent of the world’s Muslims viewed the U.S. (or the West?) as waging a war on Islam–this is the kind of statistic that merits our profound concern. I won’t say more on the issue considering that we’re going off topic and you prefer not to enter into such thorny territory.