The real problem is government waste, unneeded government programs, abuses and corruption in decent government programs, too many federal employees (wages, benefits and retirement costs), etc.
This all wastes/costs billions.
We are now over $15 Trillion dollars in debt, with no end is sight.
This all needs to be turned around through the election process so that we can help only those truly in need, rather than those looking for a free ride.
Stephen Moore
noted in 1997:
Since its frugal beginnings, the U.S. federal government has come to subsidize everything from Belgian endive research to maple syrup production to the advertising of commercial brand names in Europe and Japan. In a recent moment of high drama before the Supreme Court, during oral arguments involving the application of the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution, a bewildered Justice Antonin Scalia pressed the solicitor general to name a single activity or program that our modern-day Congress might undertake that would fall outside the bounds of the Constitution. The stunned Clinton appointee could not think of one.
During the debate in Congress over the controversial 1994 Crime Bill, not a single Republican or Democrat challenged the $10 billion in social spending on the grounds that it was meant to pay for programs that were not the proper responsibility of the federal government. No one asked, for example, where is the authority under the Constitution for Congress to spend money on midnight basketball, modern dance classes, selfesteem training, and the construction of swimming pools? Certainly, there was plenty of concern about “wasteful spending,” but none about unconstitutional spending.
Most federal spending today falls in this latter category because it lies outside Congress’s spending powers under the Constitution and it represents a radical departure from the past. For the first one hundred years of our nation’s history, proponents of limited government in Congress and the White House routinely argued—with great success—a philosophical and legal case against the creation and expansion of federal social welfare programs.
…
The federal government has no authority to pay money to farmers, run the health care industry, impose wage and price controls, give welfare to the poor and unemployed, provide job training, subsidize electricity and telephone service, lend money to businesses and foreign governments, or build parking garages, tennis courts, and swimming pools. The Founders did not create a Department of Commerce, a Department of Education, or a Department of Housing and Urban Development. This was no oversight: They did not believe that government was authorized to establish such agencies.
Recognizing the propensity of governments to expand, and, as Thomas Jefferson put it, for “liberty to yield,” the Founders added the Bill of Rights to the Constitution as an extra layer of protection. The government was never supposed to grow so large that it could trample on the liberties of American citizens. The Tenth Amendment to the Constitution states clearly and unambiguously: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution…are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” In other words, if the Constitution doesn’t specifically permit the federal government to do something, then it doesn’t have the right to do it.
The original budget of the U.S. government abided by this rule. The very first appropriations bill passed by Congress consisted of one hundred and eleven words—not pages, mind you, words. The main expenditures were for the military, including $137,000 for “defraying the expenses” of the Department of War, $190,000 for retiring the debt from the Revolutionary War, and $95,000 for “paying the pensions to invalids.” As for domestic activities, $216,000 was appropriated. This is roughly what federal agencies spend in fifteen seconds today.