But we have to remember that religious liberty as defined by Pius IX and religious liberty defined by Vatican II are not the same thing.
Are they? I’ve been wanting to get my hands on the original documents by Pius IX to get his context.
However, there is one thing in favor of Americans: if Pius IX did not favor the kind of liberty preached in America, then why was he such good friends with Jefferson Davis?
Vatican II, John XXIII, John Paul I, John Paul II, and Benedict XVI are defending the right of conscience of every human being. They are not defending the right to commit immoral acts against the faith.
Contrary to how Vatican II is interpreted by both the Left and the Far right. When Vatican II addresses freedom of conscience, as you say, it is saying that a person cannot be coerced to do what he or she believes is evil.
To understand this, we need to understand “conscience” in the Church’s terminology, which is: doing what you know to be good. Not the pop culture idea of arguing with an angel and a devil on your shoulders and deciding which one you agree with, but specifically doing what you have been taught is the right thing to do. Freedom of conscience does
not mean “making up our own morality.”
That’s not what Pius IX was writing about.
We need to know the historical context
in Europe, where the American experiment was copied in an extreme form. The French Revolutionaries, and then the Bonapartists, tried to sever all influence of the Church on society.
Of course, the socialists and Communists (which were originally considered interchangeable terms) were also preaching this idea.
What today’s Church is promoting is the right of man’s conscience over that of the secular state that attempts to deprive man of his innate instinct to seek the transcendent, God.
And this is the real question. In America, we talk about “freedom of religoin” versus “freedom from religion”; “free exercise” or “wall of separation.” I would contend that, since the statement in the
Syllabus of Errors is “Church and state
should be separate,” as opposed to “Church and state
may be separate,” Pius is condemning the “wall of separation” idea and not the “freedom of religion” idea.
When systems such as Capitalism, Communism, and Theocracies state the contrary, then man’s religious liberty is violated, because his right to proceed along a path that may eventually lead to the discovery of the Triune God is impaired.
And here you hit the core objection of traditionalists: for 1600 years, give or take, if not longer, the Church taught the importance of having a Christian State.
Now, all of a sudden, the Church turns around and says that it is not proper to have establishment of religion
at all (even though many Catholic countries, like Malta, still have Catholicism as an official religion).
I’m not even sure if the decree of Pius IX was actually attributed infallibility by the Church. I know that many lay people do so, but I don’t know if today’s papacy does.
But what happens to the idea that the pope speaks infallibly on matters of faith and morals, unless they are areas of prudential judgement? This was not a prudential judgement but an absolute moral statement, condemning what he viewed as a serious heresy.
This would seem to imply that Papal Encyclicals are like presidential executive orders, the way liberals think: just wait for the next pope to come along and reinstate Quanta Cura, then the Pope after him to override it, etc.
I prefer to try to find the “Hermeneutic of continuity.” Let’s take another document from aanother Pius:
Quo Primum actually says that the Mass as issued from Rome will always be standarad in the Latin Rite, except Masses over 200 years old when it is written. Nowhere dose
Quo Primum deny Rome the right to alter the liturgy; it merely denies local bishops the right to alter the liturgy.