Secular ethics and abortion

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I posted this on an earlier thread:
Actually, ensoulment is relevant! Most people acknowledge that “human life” does begin at conception, but the question in secular ethics is whether the human identity alone merits any ethical consideration. Modern utilitarian philosophers, such as Peter Singer, argue fetuses (they do not use the word “babies” except when discussing beings outside the womb) do not have the capacity to feel pain or possess interests to be considered in any ethical calculus. By rejecting the materialism of utilitarianism, the notion of ensoulment sets the embryo or fetus apart from other animals who do not possess souls that have the potential to be in communion with God.
I am not saying that I agree with Singer, but, as an intellectually sophisticated philosopher and ethicist, he most certainly knows what he is talking about. Singer represents the strongest secular, intellectual case for being pro-choice. Other secular pro-choice positions are internally inconsistent with the exception of the Judith Jarvis Thomson’s “A Defense of Abortion”. Thomson argues in favor of the primacy of the female’s bodily sovereignty where she has the right to abort an “unwelcome” fetus inhabiting her body regardless of the personhood of the fetus, while Singer just disregards the fetus in the utilitarian ethical calculus by denying the fetus personhood. Singer argues that the fetus has no interests, so there would be no competition between the fetus’ (non-existent) interests and the pregnant woman’s interests.
Most pro-choice feminists would prefer the Thomson argument to provide an ethical defense for abortion since it best reflects their self-interest instead of the Singer argument. I just wanted to point out the Singer argument since I believe it is well-developed and internally consistent. The aforementioned arguments are powerful weapons wielded by secularists if used properly that are capable of besting an intellectually ill-equipped pro-life adversary. This does not mean that the pro-life position is intellectually indefensible, just that the pro-life needs to be able to anticipate and confront the well-known and effective pro-choice arguments.
forums.catholic-questions.org/showthread.php?t=446270&page=67

In addition, while I believe that Catholics should be bound by the Church’s teaching on abortion, I do not believe that secular society should be bound by the Church’s anti-abortion teaching.

But what are good arguments for a secular pro-life (or anti-abortion) perspective? I do think most pro-life Catholics underestimate the efficacy of formidable secular arguments that permit abortion since those positions are extremely well-argued and internally consistent. What arguments should a pro-life Catholic wield that is not derived from Church teaching or the Magisterium? Again, one cannot appeal to the notion of ensoulment because many people do not believe in that concept. How does one anticipate the intellectual pro-abortion metagame where utilitarian arguments are prevalent? What are the intellectual armaments available for a pro-life Catholic arguing under the constraints of secular morality?

Also, here is a thread on the Buddhist perspective on abortion.
 
Peter Singer is a putz. He’s only out for shock value and attention, because if he really beleives what he does, he’s a sick man. He supports a parent’s decision to kill a newborn child as he argues there’s no difference between the full term foetus and the newborn baby.

The thing the pro-life movement needs to do is to stop using emotive terms. The unborn child is not a baby. It is a zygote/embryo or foetus. Using the correct terms does not deminish its humanity. A “baby” is a stage of development that begins after birth.

The z/e/f can be referred to as a “child” as a child is defined as anyone under the age of 12 including those in the gestational stage.

The pro-abortion argument is rubbish. If a person is goign to argue the destruction of teh foetus is justified at 8 weeks because its the woman’s body, then its justified at 38 weeks becasue its still teh woman’s body. When a pro-abort says they support abortion only up to viability they are being hypocritical. Then of course, if one can support abortion in late term pregnancy, there is no difference between them and a newborn, so we get a twisted pro-death mentality which needs to be prevented.

Secondly, the “my body” argument is total rubbish. Go into yoru GP’s office and ask them to amputate your healthy leg, its not a person, its mooching off your bodily resources, its not a person. the doctor would laugh you out the door. The law tells you when and where you can smoke, drink, get a tattoo, vote, join the army, even have sex. It even uses your body to collect taxes - you work hard to make money and the govt. takes it’s cut.

The reason abortion was legalised in teh first place was because of lies and deciet. There were not thousands of women dying in back streets from coat hangers and meth douche bags. Their’s is an argument that is based on emotion, rhetoric and sob stories.

Abortion is the destruction of an innocent human being. The removal of a possible 80 years of life from one person becasue a woman doesn’t want to be pregnant for 9 months. The woman had sex. She made her choice. She engaged in an act that’s primary purpose is reproduction.

If a woman shot a gun into a crowd, would we not prosecute her? Or would we say “Oh, well, never mind she engaged in risky behaviour that was likely to end in death for another, she didnt’ intend it”.

Medical science and common sense, not to mention that absolute damage it has wrought on women and families, is on the side of teh Pro-Lifer. We need to keep religion out it.
 
Hmm . . . It’s a bit of a shot in the dark, as this isn’t my area at all, but there may be some feminist scholars with secular pro-life arguments floating around. I remember reading an article that included an interesting feminist critique of IVF that more or less came to the same conclusion as Catholic doctrine has, but via a somewhat different ethical calculus.

The IVF article was “Whose Bodies? Which Selves?” by Paul Lauritzen, and he drew from feminist Gena Corea’s book The Mother Machine.

Also, Google turned this up:
infidels.org/library/modern/debates/secularist/abortion/roth1.html
 
Thinking a little more about it (that bioethics class is coming back to me), I think there’s a legitimate secular argument for abortion being another means of violence being perpetrated against a weaker, unempowered group (women). That’s basically the (admittedly fringe) feminist argument against IVF: it takes an event (conception) that formerly belonged practically entirely to women and their own bodies and makes it the purview of a medical professional with money and power.

Of course, Singer wouldn’t be convinced–pure utilitarianism says to hell with minority groups and their needs anyway, right? But current secular morality doesn’t, in general. Just a thought.
 
But what are good arguments for a secular pro-life (or anti-abortion) perspective? I do think most pro-life Catholics underestimate the efficacy of formidable secular arguments that permit abortion since those positions are extremely well-argued and internally consistent. What arguments should a pro-life Catholic wield that is not derived from Church teaching or the Magisterium? Again, one cannot appeal to the notion of ensoulment because many people do not believe in that concept. How does one anticipate the intellectual pro-abortion metagame where utilitarian arguments are prevalent? What are the intellectual armaments available for a pro-life Catholic arguing under the constraints of secular morality?
It sounds like maybe you’re treating this as if it were a matter of fact about which the truth may be discovered, but many (perhaps most) non-religious persons are moral relativists who point out that stances on abortion are in large part expressions of subjective values. I myself am among those. There is no “truth” about the moral rightness or wrongness of abortion to be discovered, unless we stipulate in advance, explicitly or implicitly, some particular moral standard of reference. And whatever standard we stipulate is only one of many, none better than another unless evaluated with respect to some other standard. But that standard likewise is just one amongst many, and the regress continues.

In the end, this all boils down to a question about how we feel, subjectively. Do we empathize with fetuses? Do we want to protect them? If you’re a theist, you may ask additional questions such as, do we love God, and wish to honor his (presumed) desire to protect unborn fetuses?

For some people, the answer to all of those questions is, unequivocally, “no,” whereas for others it is an enthusiastic “yes!” But that kind of disparity between values is not something that can be rationally resolved, because values are not matters of fact.
 
It sounds like maybe you’re treating this as if it were a matter of fact about which the truth may be discovered, but many (perhaps most) non-religious persons are moral relativists who point out that stances on abortion are in large part expressions of subjective values. I myself am among those. There is no “truth” about the moral rightness or wrongness of abortion to be discovered, unless we stipulate in advance, explicitly or implicitly, some particular moral standard of reference. And whatever standard we stipulate is only one of many, none better than another unless evaluated with respect to some other standard. But that standard likewise is just one amongst many, and the regress continues.

In the end, this all boils down to a question about how we feel, subjectively. Do we empathize with fetuses? Do we want to protect them? If you’re a theist, you may ask additional questions such as, do we love God, and wish to honor his (presumed) desire to protect unborn fetuses?

For some people, the answer to all of those questions is, unequivocally, “no,” whereas for others it is an enthusiastic “yes!” But that kind of disparity between values is not something that can be rationally resolved, because values are not matters of fact.
A secular society still needs laws. The real question is, should zygotes and fetuses, which are human beings, be given the same rights in society as the rest of us? The arguement, then, is whether or not this should be. Right now the laws say that they are humans but that they are somehow “disposable” humans. I say that logically if we protect those weaker than us in society, and we claim to, then the society must be anti-abortion.
 
I say that logically if we protect those weaker than us in society, and we claim to, then the society must be anti-abortion.
Sure, but lots of people are willing to make exceptions, for example non-human animals and unborn humans.
 
Ensoulment, or some equivalent notion, figures in all positions on abortion. Peter Singer thinks what? - that typical two-year olds have achieved self-consciousness and thus fully count as bearers of utilitarian value? So in terms of ensoulment, he believes that ensoulment is a gradual process which reaches a particular threshhold, such that the soul has a prima facie right not to be killed, around age two (or whatever the case may be). Terminology is not important, and mistakenly getting hung up on it tends to obscure the common terms of debate and to lead to mistakes such as the notion there is no rational way to resolve ethical questions.

Please don’t be fooled into thinking that just because someone makes a lot of money, holds a chair at Princeton, and is intellectually sophisticated, that therefore “he certainly knows what he is talking about.” And I don’t think there are really any ‘effective’ pro-abortion arguments (if you think otherwise, let’s discuss them). Of course stupid/evil people will receive stupid/evil arguments favorably, but the effectiveness of an argument should not be measured by its psychological effect. We should be concerned primarily with the de iure effectiveness of arguments, only secondarily with their de facto effectiveness.
 
A secular society still needs laws. The real question is, should zygotes and fetuses, which are human beings, be given the same rights in society as the rest of us? The arguement, then, is whether or not this should be. Right now the laws say that they are humans but that they are somehow “disposable” humans. I say that logically if we protect those weaker than us in society, and we claim to, then the society must be anti-abortion.
It took me about a month to respond, and it was only because I was searching my old posts on abortion.

But even if we grant the immorality of abortion, it does not follow society should be anti-abortion in the sense that anti-abortion sentiment is enforced with the rule of law. In another thread, you identified yourself as a social and economic conservative. You probably are familiar with the occidental conservative tradition, heavily influenced by the Enlightenment, celebrating human liberty as the primary moral value. (The oriental conservative tradition is embodied in Confucianism, emphasizing a respect for authority in order to preserve social hierarchy and curbing excess individualism.) Liberty simply is the non-intervention in human affairs.

“Protect[ing] those weaker than us in society” is inherently left-wing political rhetoric. People who are left-wing generally agree with this sentiment and want to use political and bureaucratic apparatus of the state in order to fulfill that political mandate. But in order for the state to acquire the resources to effectively protect those who are economically vulnerable, for example, due to their poor bargaining position in the labor market, the state can interfere with the “natural” processes of the “free market”. An obvious intervention is to use redistributive taxation to fund benefits that would enable access to food, shelter, and medical care even if one losses their job. Less obvious measures include enacting protective tariffs to protect unskilled labor from foreign competition.

This form of intervention would violate the principle of (economic) liberty even though it serves the purpose of “protect[ing] those weaker than us in society”. No one would deny that “protect[ing] those weaker than us in society” is a respectable value because, even if one does not privately agree to that value, they must appear sincerely concerned with the suffering of others. But the conservative political position is not to overtly deny the importance of that value; it just simply asserts that liberty should take a higher priority. Taxation, as libertarians like remind us, is coercive and done “at the point of a gun”, even though the money would be used to fund social programs that “protect those weaker than us in society”. If protecting the economically vulnerable groups from poverty does not justify taxation because it violates human liberty, then why should coercive measures be used to prevent abortion?

Allowing demonstrators to protest in front of an abortion clinic is consistent with the principle of liberty, though, since it does not coercively interfere with anyone’s desire or ability to receive or provide an abortion. But wouldn’t using state power to enforce a value that is not universally accepted, the notion that a fetus should enjoy a “right to life”, a violation of human liberty?

Again, my response has nothing to do with the morality of abortion. For instance, adultery and other acts of infidelity are immoral, but society, in general, does not render it illegal with the exception of prostitution.
 
Allowing demonstrators to protest in front of an abortion clinic is consistent with the principle of liberty, though, since it does not coercively interfere with anyone’s desire or ability to receive or provide an abortion. But wouldn’t using state power to enforce a value that is not universally accepted, the notion that a fetus should enjoy a “right to life”, a violation of human liberty?

Again, my response has nothing to do with the morality of abortion. For instance, adultery and other acts of infidelity are immoral, but society, in general, does not render it illegal with the exception of prostitution.
Even if a value is not universally accepted it does not follow that it should not be legalised. If we believe it is a crime against humanity to kill an unborn child we have a moral obligation to support attempts to make it illegal. The majority in any particular society are often mistaken in their views of what is right and wrong.

But we also have to take into account the probability of success in imposing an unpopular law. Even if abortion is made illegal the evil consequences of individual and backstreet abortions will outweigh the value of such a law. At a more fundamental level we believe we exist in order to choose what to believe and how to live. The price of freedom is the recognition of each individual’s right to decide whether to have an abortion or not - even if we regard it as murder! Ultimately it is not for us to judge others but to do the best we can in our own lives and leave the rest to God - while not forgetting to fight against evil, not with tooth and claw but with an appeal to people’s conscience and reason…
 
Even if a value is not universally accepted it does not follow that it should not be legalised. If we believe it is a crime against humanity to kill an unborn child we have a moral obligation to support attempts to make it illegal. The majority in any particular society are often mistaken in their views of what is right and wrong.

But we also have to take into account the probability of success in imposing an unpopular law. Even if abortion is made illegal the evil consequences of individual and backstreet abortions will outweigh the value of such a law. At a more fundamental level we believe we exist in order to choose what to believe and how to live. The price of freedom is the recognition of each individual’s right to decide whether to have an abortion or not - even if we regard it as murder! Ultimately it is not for us to judge others but to do the best we can in our own lives and leave the rest to God - while not forgetting to fight against evil, not with tooth and claw but with an appeal to people’s conscience and reason…
no, the point of my previous point was not to say that is wrong for government to enforce values that aren’t universally acceptable. instead, i was arguing that according to conservative principles, it isn’t justifiable to use the force of government to enforce values that aren’t universally accepted because such means do not respective human liberty. according to conservatives, protecting those weaker than us in society does not justify the government to engage in activities that violate the liberty of its citizens. again, this has nothing to do with the morality of abortion.

BTW, liberty and freedom are not equivalent… of course, freedom is better than liberty because it also enables people to do certain things, while liberty merely is non-intervention.
 
no, the point of my previous point was not to say that is wrong for government to enforce values that aren’t universally acceptable. instead, i was arguing that according to conservative principles, it isn’t justifiable to use the force of government to enforce values that aren’t universally accepted because such means do not respective human liberty. according to conservatives, protecting those weaker than us in society does not justify the government to engage in activities that violate the liberty of its citizens. again, this has nothing to do with the morality of abortion.

BTW, liberty and freedom are not equivalent… of course, freedom is better than liberty because it also enables people to do certain things, while liberty merely is non-intervention.
BR, You’re obviously confusing conservatives with anarchists. Conservatives certainly believe that governments are legitimate and that at the very least the government’s function is to protect the liberty of its citizens by enforcing sanctions against murder. How could you possibly claim otherwise?? A conservative isn’t concerned with the government as an organ for enforcing economic equality, but he is certainly concerned with enforcing basic order.

Tony, your argument is like saying child prostitution should be legal, because as it is people have to search out ‘back-alley’ forms of child prostitution. Good one. :rolleyes:
 
BR, You’re obviously confusing conservatives with anarchists. Conservatives certainly believe that governments are legitimate and that at the very least the government’s function is to protect the liberty of its citizens by enforcing sanctions against murder. How could you possibly claim otherwise?? A conservative isn’t concerned with the government as an organ for enforcing economic equality, but he is certainly concerned with enforcing basic order.

Tony, your argument is like saying child prostitution should be legal, because as it is people have to search out ‘back-alley’ forms of child prostitution. Good one. :rolleyes:
Conservatives do not believe that “protecting those weaker than us in society” is a justifiable reason for violating the liberty of its citizens. In the case of providing welfare and unemployment, most conservatives are opposed to those measures because its requires supposedly “coercive” measures even though it does protect the weakest in society.

In the case of abortion, anti-abortion laws violate the liberty of citizens because the intrusively interfere with the preferences of adult women to choose to have an abortion. Such interference would violate and disrespect the liberty of pregnant women because anti-abortion laws hinders their bodily sovereignty. These laws are not justified even if they protect “weak” because the same reasoning is inapplicable when it concerns dealing with economically vulnerable groups such as the homeless.

If one want to resort to charity to provide the means to provide for the economically unfortunate instead of government programs, then why not apply the same thinking for abortion? Why should the state get involved? Of course, those who are willing to abandon liberty can argue for anti-abortion laws if they deem abortion immoral.

Of course, the desire for anti-abortion laws is an acknowledgment that non-coercive methods are ineffective for tacking abortion. On the same token, left-wing social democrats know that charity is relatively ineffective (although they may be efficient) when compared to government programs financed by taxes.
 
I think you’ll find most people who are pro-choice(stop saying pro-abortion, very few athiests feel that way), they are pro-choice, up to a point. Up to the point, where the fetus(yes it is a fetus, not a baby, nor is it a geriatric yet) may feel, think or begin to respond to human life. IE, most agree that once brain-wave activity occurs to the level of a human out of the womb, then abortion becomes abhorant.

Some agree that abortion should occur at the 8 or 9 month mark. But most, do not agree with this.

I am wondering though, if what you are really looking for is good secular arguments against abortion? Because you won’t convince a secular world, to change it’s ways by talking religion.

As a pro-choice, athiest I can actually give quite a few. My views on abortion have changed, and although I’m still ultimately pro-choice, I can give some very good reasons to be hesistant about abortion these days.

But a bit unsure of what you are really asking here.
 
I think you’ll find most people who are pro-choice(stop saying pro-abortion, very few athiests feel that way), they are pro-choice, up to a point. Up to the point, where the fetus(yes it is a fetus, not a baby, nor is it a geriatric yet) may feel, think or begin to respond to human life. IE, most agree that once brain-wave activity occurs to the level of a human out of the womb, then abortion becomes abhorant.
So temperory brain inactivity is the determinant of the right to life?

So; if any individual was temporarily deprived of brain activity; through injury or any other manner; it would be permissible to kill them because of some “burden” on society?

It is demonstrably clear that the lack of brain activity in the whomb is only temporary; the majority of human beings (avoiding emotive terms like fetus and baby) who are yet unborn will mature into having full brain function.

How does this “brain activity” deteminant tie into patients in coma’s who’s brain activity demonstrates little or no interaction with the outside world? Are they fair “game” ? What about people with altzheimers; their brain activity is obviously imparied and they are a burden on soceity; might as well extend it to all cripples and “less functioning” people; both mentally and physically — where do you draw this arbitrary line in determining when someone is human!?

Scratch ensoulment for a minute; it is completely irrelevant to the equasion; we should be trying to protect every living human being. This includes people unborn; people born; people unconscious; people asleep; crippled people; mentally disabled people; and so on and so forth. To draw arbitrary distinctions and say “this life is worth less than that life” or “this life is too great a burden on society” is wholly abhorrent.

The general rule is; a living human being - that is a creature in the species HUMAN; of any age; gender; race; disability; and so on and so forth have a right not to be murdered for the convenience of others.
 
If the state perceives my life as having intrinsic value (which is presupposed by the notion of moral human rights), then in order to remain consistent, they must equally value the processes that went in to my development pending my birth, from the moment of conception to the person that is now typing this post. Conception represents an intrinsic part of what I am, since, my being who I am now, is the result of a process that began from the moment of conception and was ordered to the intrinsic end of that which the state values as a person. Thus, in retrospect, I can say that it was the beginning of me; it is my conception; the embryo is me in development. Therefore i should have been considered a person from the moment of my conception. And that should be circular law.
 
Conservatives do not believe that “protecting those weaker than us in society” is a justifiable reason for violating the liberty of its citizens. In the case of providing welfare and unemployment, most conservatives are opposed to those measures because its requires supposedly “coercive” measures even though it does protect the weakest in society.

In the case of abortion, anti-abortion laws violate the liberty of citizens because the intrusively interfere with the preferences of adult women to choose to have an abortion. Such interference would violate and disrespect the liberty of pregnant women because anti-abortion laws hinders their bodily sovereignty. These laws are not justified even if they protect “weak” because the same reasoning is inapplicable when it concerns dealing with economically vulnerable groups such as the homeless.

If one want to resort to charity to provide the means to provide for the economically unfortunate instead of government programs, then why not apply the same thinking for abortion? Why should the state get involved? Of course, those who are willing to abandon liberty can argue for anti-abortion laws if they deem abortion immoral.

Of course, the desire for anti-abortion laws is an acknowledgment that non-coercive methods are ineffective for tacking abortion. On the same token, left-wing social democrats know that charity is relatively ineffective (although they may be efficient) when compared to government programs financed by taxes.
This seems like complete nonsense to me, BlackRose. Do you have some Conservative Manifesto that you’re referring to which makes state-guaranteed protection of the ‘weak’ anathema to conservative thought, or that makes ‘bodily sovereignty’ an absolute value, such that I can completely destroy another human beings bodily sovereignty if I deem that they are infringing on mine?? Please share.

In the context of vulnerability to being murdered, we are all ‘weak.’ And where ‘weakness’ refers to a susceptibility to being unjustly killed, no conservative will deny that one of the core purposes of the state is indeed to protect ‘the weak’ (obviously!). Like I said to Tony, you may as well add the absurd claim that conservatives ought not to favor legal sanctions against child prostitution. Can’t you see that that’s an incredibly crude and inaccurate way of viewing conservatism?
 
I think you’ll find most people who are pro-choice(stop saying pro-abortion, very few athiests feel that way), they are pro-choice, up to a point.
In other words, they are pro-abortion up to a point (and some are technically pro-infanticide - a child of nine months, whether living inside or outside the womb, is a viable infant - ‘abortion’ properly refers to the termination of a life prior to viability outside the womb). There’s a thread in Social Justice that addresses this terminology issue:
  • How’s this response to, ‘"Pro-abortion’ and ‘pro-choice’ have different meanings."*
forums.catholic-questions.org/showthread.php?t=477042
 
This seems like complete nonsense to me, BlackRose. Do you have some Conservative Manifesto that you’re referring to which makes state-guaranteed protection of the ‘weak’ anathema to conservative thought, or that makes ‘bodily sovereignty’ an absolute value, such that I can completely destroy another human beings bodily sovereignty if I deem that they are infringing on mine?? Please share.

In the context of vulnerability to being murdered, we are all ‘weak.’ And where ‘weakness’ refers to a susceptibility to being unjustly killed, no conservative will deny that one of the core purposes of the state is indeed to protect ‘the weak’ (obviously!). Like I said to Tony, you may as well add the absurd claim that conservatives ought not to favor legal sanctions against child prostitution. Can’t you see that that’s an incredibly crude and inaccurate way of viewing conservatism?
My view isn’t that conservatives believe that state protection of the weak is an anathema; just that liberty is a higher value than protection of the weak. Conservatives are unlikely to admit this candidly, but in practice conservatives favor liberty over state intervention that protects the weak.

But if conservatives really care about protecting the weak, why don’t they advocate for more government assistance for the homeless (since they are a weak economic group)? The justification is that the citizen’s right to enjoy their income and property (without it being redistributed to support economically disadvantage groups) trumps the welfare of the homeless people. (Again, this is not stated explicitly by conservatives, but one can infer this message through political rhetoric and the policies enacted.) Supporting the homeless through charities is consistent with liberty and probably an expression of personal virtue, but it is an ineffective approach.

One could then retort that the mature and mentally competent woman’s right to bodily sovereignty trumps the fetus’ life if a pregnant women chooses to have an abortion.
If the state perceives my life as having intrinsic value (which is presupposed by the notion of moral human rights), then in order to remain consistent, they must equally value the processes that went in to my development pending my birth, from the moment of conception to the person that is now typing this post. Conception represents an intrinsic part of what I am, since, my being who I am now, is the result of a process that began from the moment of conception and was ordered to the intrinsic end of that which the state values as a person. Thus, in retrospect, I can say that it was the beginning of me; it is my conception; the embryo is me in development. Therefore i should have been considered a person from the moment of my conception. And that should be circular law.
You make the assumption that because we value the lives of conscientious people in the present, we then must equally value it all of its stages of development. In other words, the “value” of “conscientious” people did not increase during their development (in the womb), but remained constant throughout their lifetime. This assumption obviously is not true in investing (since macroeconomic and firm-specific events can alter the value of the discounted cash flows such as an increase or decrease in interest rates, or the proliferation of its competitors.) Just because the lives of conscientious people are valued now, it does not necessarily follow it has intrinsic value. It would, though, if your assumption is correct.

Here is an illustrative example of how something with a low intrinsic value may increase in value in the future and that value isn’t a constant:

Consider that I win a round of Texas hold’em with the two pocket cards (2D and 7C) and that the flop is (2C 5S 2H), the turn (10D) and the river (2S). After the river, I would have the best possible hand, four of a kind, because possessing my pocket 2D precludes anyone else from having quads in a standard 52 card deck, while the community cards preclude any straight flush that would beat quads.

But what would be the “intrinsic value” of my hand pre-flop? Most competent poker players would just not play that hand after the cards are dealt pre-flop and it is obvious that pocket KK and AA have a higher value than my pocket cards since they have a much higher chance of yielding better hands later on than my pocket cards.

After the flop, my hand significantly increased in value, yielding me a three-of-a-kind. I still could have an inferior hand though because my opponent may have a “2S” in their hand along with a card higher than “7”. Also my opponent could have pocket 5s. I would still beat an opponent with two pair on the flop (let’s say they have KS KC along with the pair of twos on the flop). Such an opponent could reasonably expect that they have the highest hand, and that the turn and river could further improve their hand to a full house if an ace or 2 were revealed later, four of a kind if the turn and river reveal a pair of aces or twos, or a backdoor flush if two spades or clubs showed later.

The turn (10D) would not improve my hand, but it can improve a hand holding one or a pair of 10s. It would also close a backdoor flush.

The river gave me the nuts as explained above.

It would turn out that my opponent had a pair of kings in her pocket and despite my opponent initially possessing pocket cards with a higher intrinsic value than mine, I win that round.
 
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