channel4.com/news/2005/02/week_2/11_blog.html
Some – especially
those on the right of the discussion – ridiculed the CNN exec, reminding us he’d made
similar comments in 2003, this time claiming that Iraqi intelligence agents planned to attack CNN journalists working in Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq. (Indeed, the April 11, 2003 edition of the New York Times ran a
lengthy personal statement from Jordan to that effect.)
But does the fact that Jordan spoke irresponsibly mean that his comments have no substance? Other precedents suggest he may be more than a fear-mongering maniac. BBC correspondent Kate Adie, in a
radio interview on March 9, 2003, claimed she’d been told ‘by a senior officer in the Pentagon’ that if uplinks carrying television or telephone signals out of Baghdad were detected by military planes circling the city, the people sending them would be fired upon, ‘even if they were journalists.’
That was the before. Then came the during, in which many journalists
accused the US military of deliberately firing at journalists. On a single day, three Al Jazeera reporters were killed after their offices were hit by American missiles, and two Ukrainian and Spanish cameramen were killed when an American tank fired a round at the Reuters office in Baghdad’s Palestine Hotel. Film shot by the French TV station France 3, and descriptions by journalists present, suggested the neighborhood was very quiet at the time. The US tank crew, it was said, took its time, waiting for a couple of minutes and adjusting its gun before opening fire.
Robert Fisk was
very direct in his assessment of these incidents. ‘I suspect they were killed because someone in the Pentagon decided to try to “close down” the press. Of course, American journalists are not investigating this. They should – because they will be next.’
By November 2003, thirty major news gathering outlets ranging from CNN and ABC to the Newhouse News Service and The Boston Globe had
written to the Pentagon complaining of intimidation, arrest, destruction of note books, video tape, recorders and film.
Presenting Eason Jordan merely as an irresponsible liberal will not do. **He is an irresponsible liberal backed by two years of disturbing evidence.
**
Easongate:
www.easongate.com
Non-embedded journalists, as Reporters Without Borders
complained in April 2003, have been refused entry to Iraq from Kuwait, threatened with withdrawal of accreditation and held in interrogation for several hours. ‘One group of non-embedded journalists,’ they claim, ‘was held in secret for two days and roughed up by US military police.’
Indeed some view embedding as simply one aspect of this, the ‘most censored conflict of modern times’. As David Miller shows, a
grim progression has certainly been in evidence. In the UK’s Falklands War, heavy censorship left a dearth of imagery available to the public, and imaginations were dangerously liable to fill in the gaps. By the Gulf War, lessons had been learned: carefully supplied footage of ‘precision’ bombs zeroing-in on targets created the impression of a ‘clean’, ‘smart’ war of ‘surgical strikes’ that wasn’t hurting civilians. I*n Iraq, reporters operating in close proximity to military units and wearing military uniform produced gushing accounts demonstrating they’d clearly begun to identify with the military they were supposed to be reporting on. *
Do Eason Jordan’s comments indicate matters in Iraq were taken one step further? Has the distinction between actions of declared adversaries and those of independent media become so dangerously blurred? War On Terror, precedents suggest that while the CNN News Chief’s comments might have been ill-advised, they may not have been as crackpot as we might hope. Attacking journalists in cold blood would, of course, be completely contrary to the Geneva Convention-- but we know by now what the US thinks of that rather ‘quaint’ document.
Reporters Without Borders:
www.rsf.org
David Miller On Embedded Journalism:
www.scoop.co.nz