Why did the Catholic Church change the Ten Commandments?

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We do not know exactly when the Israelites, which eventually rejected even standing stones in its cult, moved from West Semitic de facto aniconism to a programmatic one (which is close to iconoclasm but developing out of the aniconic tendency of an earlier time). We can already see its signs however by the 7th century BC, when Judahite name seals show a clear tendency towards aniconicity, a tendency that is not exclusive but begins even further back and then becomes quite pronounced. (There are two other Semitic peoples which moved from de facto standing-stone aniconism to iconoclasm: the Nabataeans and the Arabs.)

Some, however, think that the best way to interpret the evidence is thus: aniconism was the official, dominant position throughout Israelite history, but it was not totally uniform. (For example, Moses’ bronze serpent - which was later became a focus of worship - and Micah’s silver idol.) From earliest times, the main or official cult of the God of Israel was largely aniconic, as represented in its leaders and its sanctuaries. At earlier times, a number cultic paraphernalia that were later regarded as ‘idols’ seem to have been tolerated in some circles, but were eventually condemned outright by major elements of the official cult (for example, prophets and kings). At the same time, unofficial, domestic cults and extramural shrines were probably more open to iconography and maybe even outright housed images of the Deity - which is also eventually frowned upon.

The close tie between the command against pesalim and the prior ban against worshipping other gods in the Ten Commandments suggests that the veto of images was directed toward any image that may be construed as an idol or cult artifact of another deity. The elaboration of this command in Deuteronomy 4:16-19 confirms that the commandment had in mind the ‘other gods’ of the previous one as at least the eventual understanding of this prohibition. Indeed the comprehensiveness of these formulations tended to make any kind of image, whether for purposes of worship or not, questionable.

It is with the post-exilic period that we begin to see a stricter interpretation of the ban flower amongst the returning Jews. But even so it was not something that appeared overnight. There are coins from the 4th century BC (when Judah - or Yehud - was a Persian province) depicting an enthroned deity, identified by the inscription as Yhw (Yahu?) This particular artifact is still shrouded in mystery: we do not know who minted it (the Jews themselves, the Persian authorities of Yehud, or Samaritans), and despite the inscription we are still not sure as to whether the figure portrayed is really meant to be a representation of the Israelite God Yhwh or a generic image of a deity merely labelled with the Name.

http://cojs.org/cojswiki/images/thu...d_Man.jpg/300px-Yehud_Coin_of_Bearded_Man.jpg

Nevertheless, this coin - and other coins minted during the period - tells us something very important. Coins from Persian-era Yehud generally depict living creatures (such as eagles), flowers and even human beings, unlike later Jewish coinage, which avoid representations of humans and animals altogether and prefer depictions of fauna and inanimate objects.



It would seem that the strict view (avoidance of any figural depictions whatsoever) only became the norm starting from the late Hellenistic to the Hasmonean period, although as the trend was already slowly moving towards it for quite some time. The reason for this change of views is unclear; some suggestions include (1) as a reaction against the forced eradication of Jewish customs by the Seleucids and the desecration of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes; (2) a more stringent position reflecting the Sadducean position, who were generally in control of affairs in Jewish Palestine in the late Second Temple period (except for the era of Salome in 76-67 BC, when their rivals the Pharisees dominated); (3) as a part of the Hasmonean campaign to cultivate and assert a unique Jewish identity; and (4) a general reaction against Hellenization and the threat of foreign influences.
 
The strict view predominated during the Roman period so that most locally-minted Jewish currency at that time avoiced images of gods, men or animals as was common, but instead bore images of plants or suchlike as a concession. Note for example these coins minted by Herod the Great, Antipas, and Pilate respectively:

http://img171.imageshack.us/img171/6153/herod3736.jpg

http://www.holylandnumismatics.com/...f78eab33525d08d6e5fb8d27136e95/0/0/00448a.jpg

http://img713.imageshack.us/img713/5279/fontanille2.jpg

The exceptions to this rule were Roman coins and, rather curiously, the Tyrian shekel in use at the Temple. The reason why the Tyrian shekel or tetradrachma, bearing as it was the pagan images of the god Melqart-Hercules and the eagle of Tyre, was used within the Temple precincts for religious duties because it alone had enough silver content which was deemed acceptable by priests: 94% and above compared to the mere 80% of regular Roman currency. Now these coins with ‘graven images’ were actually minted in Israel, as the Romans had since shut down the original mint in Tyre. According to one story, the coins were required to continue bearing the Tyrian images to prevent people from thinking that Jews had enough autonomy to mint their own currency.

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Denarius of Tiberius

http://www.welcometohosanna.com/LIFE_OF_JESUS/JESUS_LIFE_PIX/tyrianSheck.gif
Tyrian shekel

The Herods followed the Law when it suited them; they apparently were wise enough to not offend their Jewish subjects too much. Antipas did have his palace decorated with figures of animals, which would have been regarded as a transgression of the commandment, but he minted coins which bore only abstract symbols for his Jewish subjects and did not try to force Greco-Roman culture on them. (Contrast this with Philip, who ruled in gentile cities and thus was could be quite conventional in his choice of imagery.)
 
The issue was such a hugely important one for Jews of the Second Temple period that it often led to potential (and at one point, actual) bloodshed.

There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men, when they found that the king’s distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king [Herod the Great] had erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod’s rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images or representations of any living creature.

So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle …] and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men’s persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. And now the king’s captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. …]

But the people, on account of Herod’s barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. …] Herod …] burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition, with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of the moon.

===

But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments.

Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time; but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Cesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home.

But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cesarea.

In fact, while Solomon’s Temple was replete with imagery derived from common Levantine religious iconography, Herod’s Temple was by contrast apparently mostly devoid of such representations, although Josephus does say that the Temple curtain portrayed “a panorama of the heavens except the signs of the Zodiac,” and that vines wrought of gold hung over the doors of the sanctuary (War 5.5.4 (210); Antiquities 15.9.2 (394); cf. m. Middoth 3.8; Tacitus, History 5.5).
 
During the 1st century the houses of aristocratic families in Jerusalem themselves, while built and decorated in the Greco-Roman style, generally restrained themselves from portraying human or animal figures, preferring instead geometric patterns, imitations of architectural elements, or floral motifs.



http://www.abu.nb.ca/courses/ntintro/lifej/Images/HerodianHouse.jpg



Martin Goodman (Rome and Jerusalem: The Clash of Ancient Civilizations) writes:

Jewish culture was more oral than visual: when Jews referred to themselves in Hebrew as understanding a truth or a command, they would say that they had heard it; by contrast, in Latin, as in Greek and in English, the metaphor for comprehension is to “see” the truth. The aural metaphor, however, cannot have been overwhelming in the Jewish mentality, for Philo, writing in Greek, refers repeatedly to a false etymology of the name “Israel” as derived from the Hebrew ish-ra’ah-el, taken to mean “he who sees God.” At any rate, Jews in Jerusalem certainly demonstrated an appreciation of visual aesthetics both in the Temple and in the interior decoration of their houses. Excavated houses from the time of the war against Rome in 66-70 are decorated with patterned mosaic floors and wall plaster painted in the Pompeian Second Style. These provincials imitated Italy as others did elsewhere in the empire, even if they were behind the times in the fashions they followed. The major difference, clearly deliberate, was that the paintings in Jerusalem were wholly devoid of images of humans and only rarely included images of animals. The architectural frames of the pictures painted direct onto the plaster, and the deep reds and blacks, are all in the Italian style, but the central interest in each picture in Roman as in Hellenistic art, the depiction of the interplay of living bodies, is wholly lacking. The taboo which precluded such depictions was by no means static or universal among Jews, since later in antiquity Jews in the land of Israel were to commission fine synagogue mosaics with detailed images of humans and animals, and in the mid-third century CE the Jews of Dura-Europus depicted in detail on the walls of their synagogue a series of biblical scenes. Even in the first century, when Herod completed his rebuilding of the Temple by erecting an image of an eagle over its entrance, he must have believed this to be permitted in Jewish law, since he had just spent years, and huge amounts of money, in ensuring that the building be seen by his subjects as both magnificent and kosher. However, the riots that greeted the eagle image suggest that other first-century Jews disagreed with Herod’s interpretation. The “two sophists,” as Josephus describes the ringleaders of the crowd who tried to tear the eagle down, evidently saw the image as an affront, presumably in light of the commandment in Exodus, “You shall not make for yourself any graven image, or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth:,” although the symbolism of the eagle as an image of Rome may also have aggravated their anger. Later Jews were to interpret the commandment in Exodus in the light of the following verse (“You shall not bow down yourself to them [the images], nor serve them”), thus permitting images of all kinds providing that they are not worshipped, but most first-century Jews seem to have taken a hard line: the iconography on Jewish coins minted during the revolt against Rome reveals a willingness to depict objects such as palm branches, pomegranates and a chalice, but neither people not animals. Jewish homes thus lacked the riot of statues, reliefs and other images that enlivened the houses of their Roman contemporaries, and the public spaces of Jerusalem had no commemorative statues to link the citizens to the historic figures of the past.
 
The coinage issued during the Bar Kochba revolt (AD 132-135) also generally avoided representations of living creatures, bearing instead the image of the Temple, agricultural symbols connected with the Jewish harvest festival of Sukkot (such as lulav, date palm fronds, and etrog, citron), or other items such as trumpets and lyres.

http://www.archelaos.com/popes/imgx/Bar_Kokhba_5.png

Eventually, the trend soon shifted back after the revolt’s failure, when Jews began to embrace art once more (cf. the Dura Europos synagogue in Syria, as well as Byzantine-era synagogues in Palestine). Again, there are a number explanations for the reintroduction of figural representation (not necessarily mutually exclusive): increasing Hellenization, increasing minority status which made the need the accomodation to the outside world more pressing, the slow decline of paganism and the perception that images are not really a threat to Jews and Judaism after all.

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Dura Europos synagogue

I’ve run out of time so I’ll postpone the next installment, which is about the early Christian view of images.
 
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