I
ishii
Guest
Really? So you don’t really care if the most anti-catholic president in our history gets re-elected? “they’re all the same” ?. I for one will not be voting for any of them.
Ishii
Really? So you don’t really care if the most anti-catholic president in our history gets re-elected? “they’re all the same” ?. I for one will not be voting for any of them.
Ron Paul isn’t George Wallace.If the candidate had the votes to win, then it wouldn’t really be a third party, would it?
Seriously though, can you really say that George Wallace, who pulled a few electoral votes, didn’t affect the political mandate that would have gone to Nixon or Humphrey had he not run? Political experts say he drew about the same number from each major-party candidate.
There are elitists at all points of the political spectrum - left, right and center. They feel their’s is the enlightened understanding, and everyone else is ignorant.That, by the way, is similar to how the secular left thinks about religious conservatives: were ignorant sheeple who cling to our guns and bibles.
You are right that Ron Paul “aint no Teddy.” That’s a compliment, really. Teddy loathed Thomas Jefferson. Teddy was a very sick man who wrote in 1914: “I wish very much that the wrong people could be prevented entirely from breeding; and when the evil nature of these people is sufficiently flagrant, this should be done. Criminals should be sterilized and feeble-minded persons forbidden to leave offspring behind them.”The hugely popular Teddy Roosevelt lost as a third party candidate. With all due respect to Mr Paul: he ain’t no Teddy.
A third party vote is a vote for Obama.
True, but I think its more prevalent on the secular left - or atleast its filled with vitriol. The Paul supporters are coming from the same reasoning as the secular left when they call Republicans or conservatives, “ignorant” and imply that we get told who to vote for by the news media. Strange that the comment is attributed to ProVobis, but it was me who posted it.There are elitists at all points of the political spectrum - left, right and center. They feel their’s is the enlightened understanding, and everyone else is ignorant.
Of course. I am going to be voting FOR a geniune conservative rather than AGAINST the Democrat.If Ron Paul drops out, will you write him in?
Religions and Ethnicities are 2 different things.
Are their black teachings on economics? Are their Catholic teachings on economics?
Rick Santorum wrote a book basically espousing subsidiarity. You can call me a mindless Catholic, oh I’m just voting for him because he shares my faith… but that is a lie.
You can say it, but it remains a lie. I’m voting for him because he brings Catholicism into politics. Ron Paul doesn’t do that. Rick Santorum espouses economic and social teachings of the Catholic Church in his platform.
Oh, and I’ll have you know that Cardinal Ratzinger is now: His Holiness the Pope, Bishop of Rome and Vicar of Jesus Christ, Successor of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, Supreme Pontiff of the Universal Church, etc.
It does not do sir, to refer to this man as “Cardinal Ratzinger”.** It does not do.** :tsktsk:
You are very wise. It is becoming more and more clear just what Obama has in store for this country and for the Catholic Church - such that the choice is not between Obama and a GOP candidate “who is just as bad as Obama” or whatever. The choice is now between a GOP candidate and a president who wants to dictate what kind of insurance the Catholic institutions have to provide, abortificients and probably much worse. Make no mistake, judging from his tactics and political calculations, and above all, his ideology, it is likely that we haven’t seen the worst yet from Obama.If Ron Paul drops out, I will NOT write him in. I’m going to vote for the Republican candidate, whoever that is because a third party candidate can’t win, has never won. Obama needs to go.
That HAS been the tradition, yet I think times have changed. Bush the conservative picked Cheney, a conservative. Regions used to be a factor, yet Clinton chose Gore.A traditional practice is to balance the ticket. If a presidential candidate is seen as moderate, then picking a running mate who is conservative (to appeal to Republicans) or liberal (to appeal to Democrats) is the customary strategy.
For a candidate who is perceived as either conservative or liberal, picking a moderate running mate is usually seen as a way to appeal to independent voters.
I think the pool of possible vice presidential candidates will vary greatly depending upon who wins the Republican nomination.
I’m not going to attempt to analyze different possible picks or what mold a given VP appointment should take on… I’m just going to say that my dream team would be a Rick Santorum / Marco Rubio ticket.If Santorum wins the Republican nomination, he will be the first Catholic Republican to do so. He may be the first Catholic Republican President. I have been waiting for this for a long time. If Romney were to win the nomination, I would be very disappointed if there were not a Catholic vice presidential running mate. There are so many good choices (McDonnell, Jindal, Santorum, Gingrich, J. Bush, Rubio). But, if Santorum wins, who would be a good choice. Of course ideally I would want 2 Catholics, but is the country ready for that? How about Santorum/ Huckabee? If he does win, I hope he chooses another conservative and not a moderate. He should choose someone with the same values. Perhaps a governor? John Kasich?
What about Gov. Susana Martinez of NM? female AND hispanic AND Catholic
I agree that would be a GREAT ticket!I’m not going to attempt to analyze different possible picks or what mold a given VP appointment should take on… I’m just going to say that my dream team would be a Rick Santorum / Marco Rubio ticket.![]()
If Obama’s proposed legislation (which will in less than 1 year force Catholic institutions to provide contraception, and morning after pills in their insurance plans…) makes him anti-Catholic.Ysuch that the choice is not between Obama and a GOP candidate “who is just as bad as Obama” or whatever. The choice is now between a GOP candidate and a president who wants to dictate what kind of insurance the Catholic institutions have to provide, abortificients and probably much worse.
This is why, even if you don’t like a Romney because he’s Mormon, or too establishmentarian or wishy-washy (fill in the blank) o you all have to admit that with Obama, you’re getting someone who is anti-Catholic who needs to be defeated. I don’t care if the anti-Catholic president gets re-elected, because I care more about voting for Ron Paul than I do about defending the Church against attacks, or defending the freedom of religion against attacks."
Ishii
Yup, Theodore Roosevelt is the father of the Imperial Presidency. The grandfather, of course, being Abraham Lincoln.You are right that Ron Paul “aint no Teddy.” That’s a compliment, really. Teddy loathed Thomas Jefferson. Teddy was a very sick man who wrote in 1914: “I wish very much that the wrong people could be prevented entirely from breeding; and when the evil nature of these people is sufficiently flagrant, this should be done. Criminals should be sterilized and feeble-minded persons forbidden to leave offspring behind them.”
Teddy was the first truly “modern” President. He was the consumate Progressive. He was the original foreign interventionist, declaring to Congress in 1902 that “the increasing interdependence and complexity of international political and economic relations render it incumbent on all civilized and orderly powers to insist on the proper policing of the world.” He greatly increased and abused the power of the Executive Branch and his attachment to war and imperialism makes the Neoconservatives look like small beer. Catholic historian Tom Woods explains that:
Roosevelt’s fascination with war is corroborated both by his own testimony and by that of those who knew him. A college friend wrote in 1885, “He would like above all things to go to war with some one. . . . He wants to be killing something all the time.” Roosevelt told another friend a few years later:
“Frankly I don’t know that I should be sorry to see a bit of a spar with Germany. The burning of New York and a few other sea coast cities would be a good object lesson in the need of an adequate system of coast defenses, and I think it would have a good effect on our large German population to force them to an ostentatiously patriotic display of anger against Germany.”
Over and over again Roosevelt insisted that the country “needed” a war. “He gushes over war,” wrote the philosopher William James,
“as the ideal condition of human society, for the manly strenuousness which it involves, and treats peace as a condition of blubberlike and swollen ignobility, fit only for huckstering weaklings, dwelling in gray twilight and heedless of the higher life. . . . One foe is as good as another, for aught he tells us.”
The size of the American effort to suppress the Filipino nationalists has rarely been fully appreciated: some 126,000 American troops saw action in suppression campaigns, and an incredible 200,000 Filipinos lost their lives.
While the fighting was going on, the Philadelphia Ledger featured a front-page story by a correspondent covering General J. Franklin Bell’s campaign that read:
“The present war is no bloodless, fake, opera bouffé engagement. Our men have been relentless; have killed to exterminate men, women, children, prisoners and captives, active insurgents and suspected people, from lads of ten and up, an idea prevailing that the Filipino, as such, was little better than a dog, a noisome reptile in some instances, whose best disposition was the rubbish heap. Our soldiers have pumped salt water into men to ‘make them talk,’ have taken prisoner people who held up their hands and peacefully surrendered, and an hour later, without an atom of evidence to show that they were even insurrectos, stood them on a bridge and shot them down one by one, to drop into the water below and float down as an example to those who found their bullet-riddled corpses.”
Roosevelt’s own views on race, which would take an entire chapter to describe in detail, only encouraged this kind of barbarism.
Roosevelt’s approach in the Philippines was only the most spectacular indication that the content of his foreign policy left much to be desired, and it inaugurated a century of humanitarian violence that would be couched in the saccharine language of idealism and justice. Even more important from the point of view of Theodore Roosevelt’s contributions to the presidency as an institution, however, is the more procedural question of how he actually carried out his policy. It is here that he demonstrated his most brazen contempt for the legislative branch.
An excellent example concerns Roosevelt’s decision to take over the customs houses in the Dominican Republic. In what has become known as the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, Theodore Roosevelt had declared in 1904 that although the United States had no territorial ambitions in its own hemisphere, cases of “chronic wrongdoing” on the part of a Latin American country that might invite occupation by a European power could force America’s hand. To forestall European occupation, the United States would intervene to restore order and to see that all just claims were satisfied. When it looked in early 1905 as though one or more European countries might intervene in the Dominican Republic to recover outstanding debt, Roosevelt put the Corollary into effect for the first time by declaring that the United States would administer the Dominican Republic’s customs collections to forestall any such foreign intervention. From the beginning, Theodore Roosevelt seemed to have hoped to be able to avoid consulting the Senate at all.
Instead of the classical vision of the American republic, Roosevelt solidified trends toward centralization that had been at work since the 1860s and institutionalized what amounted to a revolution in the American form of government. His legacy is cherished by neoconservatives and other nationalists but deplored by Americans who still possess a lingering attachment to the republic the framers established.
He actually does a great job of telling us how to vote as Catholics who happen to be American, rather than as Americans who happen to be Catholic.