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niceatheist
Guest
Odd that they don’t seem to teach the ramifications of the Glorious Revolution at Eton.
Yep.“ The effect on the fundamentals of our democracy was extreme. No justification has been put before the court .”
That’s what you call a whopper .
I received permission to prorogue my duties (cleaning the windows) at 10.30 so I could hear it live.(unfortunately I missed the broadcast of this judgment live, how could I have missed watching live the most important judgment in, like , 300 years!?)
If I got it right, the court was saying it did not need to consider motive, only effect. Whether that means it felt it shouldn’t consider motive you will know better than I do.It’s interesting to me that while both the Court of Secession in Scotland and the Supreme Court of the UK both ruled (contrary to the English High Court ruling) that prorogation was justiciable and in this exceptional circumstance unlawful with the effect of styming parliament, a difference between the two legal systems in this case has been shown: Scots law took motive into account as part of its judgment (that Johnson had “ improper purpose of stymieing parliament ” contrary to what he told the Sovereign), whereas the UK constitutional law considered only the effect (to unlawfully shut down parliamentary democracy without reasonable justification).
The outcome is the same but the nuance here appears to signify a slightly distinct legal reasoning (if I’m looking at the two judgments rightly).
I fear the worst and anticipate Orban-style populist-authoritarian “people vs elite” rhetoric.Be interesting to see how Johnson chooses to word his statement.
My suspicion is that Eton is Tory rather than Whig, although I confess my knowledge of the place is slim.Odd that they don’t seem to teach the ramifications of the Glorious Revolution at Eton
The full judgement seems to me to suggest that the Supreme Court felt it didn’t need to consider motive since the PM’s advice was unlawful anyway, although the court does say later that it has no way of telling what the PM’s motive was (a suggestion with which one might disagree).It’s interesting to me that while both the Court of Secession in Scotland and the Supreme Court of the UK both ruled (contrary to the English High Court ruling) that prorogation was justiciable and in this exceptional circumstance unlawful with the effect of styming parliament, a difference between the two legal systems in this case has been shown: Scots law took motive into account as part of its judgment (that Johnson had “ improper purpose of stymieing parliament ” contrary to what he told the Sovereign), whereas the UK constitutional law considered only the effect (to unlawfully shut down parliamentary democracy without reasonable justification).
and paragraph 54 says:In addition to challenging the Prime Minister’s advice on the basis of the effect of the prorogation which he requested, Mrs Miller and Ms Cherry also seek to challenge it on the basis of the Prime Minister’s motive in requesting it.
Paragraph 61 begins:That ground of challenge raises some different questions, in relation to justiciability, from the ground based on the effects of prorogation on Parliament’s ability to legislate and to scrutinise governmental action. But it is appropriate first to decide whether the Prime Minister’s advice was lawful, considering the effects of the prorogation requested and applying the standard which we have set out. It is only if it was, that the justiciability of the alternative ground of challenge will need to be considered.
It adds:It is impossible for us to conclude, on the evidence which has been put before us, that there was any reason - let alone a good reason - to advise Her Majesty to prorogue Parliament for five weeks, from 9th or 12th September until 14th October. We cannot speculate, in the absence of further evidence, upon what such reasons might have been.
It follows that the decision was unlawful.