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ORISSA, THE MINOR LEAGUES OF THE PERSECUTED by Giorgio Bernardelli
“In the village, the climate between us and the Hindus had always been good. We invited them to our celebrations, and we participated in theirs. But now we are all afraid.” Fr. Santosh K. Singh, a young priest of the archdiocese of Cuttack -Bhubaneswar, is talking about his Baminigam. He is talking about a village like so many others in this area of eastern India. A group of houses in the forest that, all of a sudden, has been turned into the epicenter of the strongest wave of anti-Christian violence in recent years.
It is the story of what happened here in Orissa at Christmas. **With the raids by the Hindu fanatics of the RSS, who left behind seven dead and hundreds of homes, churches, schools, and clinics burned in the district of Kandhamal. And in a climate of intimidation that - several months later - is still palpable.
Again at Palm Sunday, for example, in the village of Tyiangia, a crowd incited by the usual characters gathered shouting anti-Christian slogans. Violence was avoided only because the pastor decided to cancel the procession. **
Everything began in Baminigam on December 24, Christmas Eve. “Do you want to know how it really happened?” Fr. Santosh asks immediately. Telling the story is important to him, because there are several reconstructions of the events. And the one that appeared in the Indian newspapers identifies the spark in the aggression against the Swami Laxmananda Saraswati, a Hindu holy man linked to the RSS who travels around Orissa to " bring back to their origins" the tribals who have converted to Christianity.
“That’s not what happened,” rebuts Fr. Santosh. **“It all started when, on the morning of December 24, our permission to celebrate Christmas in the town square was revoked. Our stallkeepers arrived and were told that they had to go back home. There must have been some tension as well. But two hundred men armed with clubs suddenly emerged from the forest, and began to destroy and burn everything.” **
The violence continued for four days. It was fostered by the inexplicable delay in the intervention of the security forces. The Christians were forced to flee into the forest in order to survive, while their homes continued to burn. There remained in the forest for days and nights, in the cold, eating what they were able to find. Until, finally, the local authorities set up tent encampments. And in the district of Kandhamal, a calm returned full of tension and of serious doubts.
“We had realized what was about to happen,” recounts Raphael Cheenath, the archbishop of Chuttack-Bhubaneswar, whose territory includes the district of Kandhamal. **" On December 22, we had clearly told the authorities that we were afraid of suffering violence at Christmas. They had promised us protection. Instead, they did absolutely nothing." **
I met Archbishop Cheenath in Bhubaneswar, the capital of Orissa. The district of Kandhamal is about five or six hours away by car, in the forest. And yet during those days, the violence had arrived all the way to the archbishop’s residence, with a Molotov cocktail thrown against the entrance. And it is no mystery to anyone that the meetings of the RSS in which Christians are identified as the enemy are also held in that city of 800,000 inhabitants. But, more than the clandestine secrets, it is the public decisions that worry the archbishop, and the ambiguous attitude of the local government, headed by Naveen Patnaik, an ally of the BJP, the Hindu Nationalist party.
"In February," the archbishop continues, "right here in Orissa there was an attack on the part of Maoist guerrillas. They attacked a police barracks and killed some of the officers. A state of emergency was declared immediately: the military arrived en masse in a few hours. At Christmas, instead - when it was the Christians who were suffering violence in the district of Kandhamal - It took four days. Why this difference in the reaction? ".
But there is also the problem of assistance for the victims, which is still unresolved. “They do not allow our organizations to bring assistance,” Archbishop Cheenath charges. “There are people there who have lost everything: their homes were burned, and they were left with nothing but the clothes on their backs. The government has promised to take care of them, but the help does not come. And the population continues to suffer.”
Together with the houses, in the district of Kandhamal, the work of 30 years has been completely destroyed: schools, clinics, centers of assistance. Even the house of the Missionaries of Charity, the male branch of the order of Mother Teresa of Calcutta - which shelters lepers and tuberculosis patients - was attacked. Everything was left to burn for hours, while the Christians were fleeing into the forest. And now school is held under the tents. “Misereor” - the international solidarity organization of the German Church - has come forward to help with reconstruction. But the government of Orissa is not giving them permission. For 42 days, the archbishop himself was refused permission to visit the stricken communities.
"Officially, " comments Archbishop Cheenath, "they tell us that this is for security reasons. But the truth is that they want to block the presence of Christian organizations. The Hindu extremists accuse us of carrying out conversions through aid operations. But this is a false accusation: everyone saw this in Orissa in 1999, when there was a tremendous cyclone. Two thousand of our volunteers were mobilized. And they helped everyone, without distinction. " In order to resolve the situation, the Supreme Court had to intervene on April 8, with a judgment that declared the ban illegitimate.
In looking at this big city, so much like so many others, it is difficult to believe that it is a haven for fanatics. “We know that many Hindus are against the violence, " the archbishop confirms.” Privately, they have even expressed solidarity with us. But they are afraid of speaking out. And so this campaign of hatred conducted by the fanatics is producing results. They are depicting us as enemies, and saying openly that they want to destroy us."
“But where do you think that all this hatred against Christians comes from?”, I ask him. **“I am convinced,” the archbishop replies, “that there is a hidden cause behind the religious extremism, one of a social nature. The real problem is not the conversions, but the work that the Christians in Orissa have done over the past 140 years on behalf of the tribals and the Dalits, the lowest in the caste system. Before, there were like slaves. Now, at least some of them study in our schools, start enterprises in the villages, assert their rights. **And those - even in the India of the economic boom - who want to keep intact the ancient caste divisions, are afraid that they will become too strong. The Orissa of today is a laboratory. At stake is the future of millions of Dalits and tribals living all over the country.”
Orissa is like the new laboratory for the fundamentalists: so many say this over and over again in the Christian community. Because it is true that this is one of the poorest states in the subcontinent. But also here in Bhubaneswar, something is starting to happen. You leave the archbishop’s residence and plunge into the Big Bazar, the brand new American-style shopping center. The airport - like all of the Indian airports - is in expansion.
“It seems incredible, but when we opened twenty years ago, it was still jungle around here,” recounts Fr. E. A. Augustine, director of the Xavier Institute of Management, one of the city’s most respected institutions. It is an economics faculty with an interesting history: it is the result of an agreement between the government of Orissa and the local Jesuit province.
So even in a state like Orissa, where an anti- conversion law is in effect, there is no difficulty in naming a public entity after St. Francis Xavier. Because in India, the Xavier School is synonymous with quality everywhere. “Everyone wants to imitate our structures, " continues Fr. Augustine, " they acknowledge their quality. Apart from some fanatics, they respect us. But we do not want to be a center for elites. For example, we also organize courses in rural management, designed for the development of villages.”
And then - also here in Bhubaneswar - there is the other face of the Jesuit presence. It is that of the Human Life Center, with its popular courses in spoken English to help those who have emigrated to the city from rural areas. Or the courses in tailoring, typing, computers, to provide opportunities for those who otherwise would have none. And then there are the seven schools opened right in the slums of Bhubaneswar. Because change must arrive there as well.
The impression is that in the end, the real problem lies here. The violence in Orissa is not simply the inheritance of a past that India is struggling to leave behind it. The clash concerns the present, and above all the future of the country. **It concerns a social situation in which those who for centuries have remained at the margins are beginning to come forward. And so those who - on the contrary - want to maintain the status quo are playing the card of the threat to identity. **
There is an important electoral appointment in view: in May of 2009, general elections will be held in India. The BJP - the Hindu nationalist party, defeated in 2004 by the alliance of the Congress Party and the left - is aiming at a comeback. And - as the violence against the Muslims in Gujarat demonstrated in 2002 - inciting tension among religious groups is the most effective way to consolidate the ranks. “It is no accident,” maintains Fr. Jimmy Dhabby, director of the Indian Social Institute in New Delhi, “that this violence against Christians erupted a few weeks after the reconfirmation of Narendra Modi, a leading member of the BJP, as head of the state of Gujarat. And that it happened in Orissa, a state where voting for the local government will be held in 2009.”
It is a game that is moving forward in Bhubaneswar. It’s enough to open the local edition of the newspaper on any day of the week to find statements like this, from the leader of the RSS K.S Sudar-shan: “There are many threats hanging over the nation: the violence of the Maoists, the Islamic jihad, the conversions of the Christian missionaries. We must be united in order to react. Do not wait for someone else to do it for you.”
Even the investigation opened by the government of Orissa to shed light on what happened at Christmas is proceeding according to rather questionable methods. **“After months without any news whatsoever,” John Dayal, secretary general of the All India Christian Council, charged on his blog, “the judge handling the case arrived without warning in the district of Kandhamal. He questioned the sisters and the priests. They were astounded when they were asked: Have you converted anyone here?” As if the object of the investigation were the activity of the Christians, and not the violence committed by the Hindu fanatics. **
Another worrying chapter is that of compensation. “So far no official indications have been provided,” Dayal continues, **“but we have read in the newspapers that while schools, hostels, and clinics will be able to receive a contribution of 200 thousand rupees (about 5 thousand dollars), the churches and convents will be excluded from anycompensation. If this were true, it would be not only surprising, but also offensive. The main targets of the attacks were precisely the churches and convents. Excluding them makes no sense.” **
This is the atmosphere now in Orissa. “An explosive situation is lurking beneath the ashes,” says H. Naik, of the Orissa Dalit Adivasi Action Net. “For some time the Hindu nationalists have been campaigning to ‘reconvert’ the tribal Christians. Are these not violations of the anti-conversion laws? Why do they not apply to them?”
After so many people were killed, so many homes and Christian churches burned, one question must be asked.** What is the difference with respect to the Islamic violence in other regions, for which - rightly - so much space is reserved in the media? And why does no one in the West raise his voice about what is happening in Orissa? The protest of the Christians in front of parliament in New Delhi at Easter did not appear in our newspapers. **
The reply of Archbishop Cheenath is a bitter one: “The India of today is a market sought after by everyone,” he explains. “There are strong economic interests, and everyone wants to have good relations with us. In this kind of situation, no one cares about what is happening to the minorities.”
It is an unsettling cry of pain that is coming from the Christians of Orissa today.
“In the village, the climate between us and the Hindus had always been good. We invited them to our celebrations, and we participated in theirs. But now we are all afraid.” Fr. Santosh K. Singh, a young priest of the archdiocese of Cuttack -Bhubaneswar, is talking about his Baminigam. He is talking about a village like so many others in this area of eastern India. A group of houses in the forest that, all of a sudden, has been turned into the epicenter of the strongest wave of anti-Christian violence in recent years.
It is the story of what happened here in Orissa at Christmas. **With the raids by the Hindu fanatics of the RSS, who left behind seven dead and hundreds of homes, churches, schools, and clinics burned in the district of Kandhamal. And in a climate of intimidation that - several months later - is still palpable.
Again at Palm Sunday, for example, in the village of Tyiangia, a crowd incited by the usual characters gathered shouting anti-Christian slogans. Violence was avoided only because the pastor decided to cancel the procession. **
Everything began in Baminigam on December 24, Christmas Eve. “Do you want to know how it really happened?” Fr. Santosh asks immediately. Telling the story is important to him, because there are several reconstructions of the events. And the one that appeared in the Indian newspapers identifies the spark in the aggression against the Swami Laxmananda Saraswati, a Hindu holy man linked to the RSS who travels around Orissa to " bring back to their origins" the tribals who have converted to Christianity.
“That’s not what happened,” rebuts Fr. Santosh. **“It all started when, on the morning of December 24, our permission to celebrate Christmas in the town square was revoked. Our stallkeepers arrived and were told that they had to go back home. There must have been some tension as well. But two hundred men armed with clubs suddenly emerged from the forest, and began to destroy and burn everything.” **
The violence continued for four days. It was fostered by the inexplicable delay in the intervention of the security forces. The Christians were forced to flee into the forest in order to survive, while their homes continued to burn. There remained in the forest for days and nights, in the cold, eating what they were able to find. Until, finally, the local authorities set up tent encampments. And in the district of Kandhamal, a calm returned full of tension and of serious doubts.
“We had realized what was about to happen,” recounts Raphael Cheenath, the archbishop of Chuttack-Bhubaneswar, whose territory includes the district of Kandhamal. **" On December 22, we had clearly told the authorities that we were afraid of suffering violence at Christmas. They had promised us protection. Instead, they did absolutely nothing." **
I met Archbishop Cheenath in Bhubaneswar, the capital of Orissa. The district of Kandhamal is about five or six hours away by car, in the forest. And yet during those days, the violence had arrived all the way to the archbishop’s residence, with a Molotov cocktail thrown against the entrance. And it is no mystery to anyone that the meetings of the RSS in which Christians are identified as the enemy are also held in that city of 800,000 inhabitants. But, more than the clandestine secrets, it is the public decisions that worry the archbishop, and the ambiguous attitude of the local government, headed by Naveen Patnaik, an ally of the BJP, the Hindu Nationalist party.
"In February," the archbishop continues, "right here in Orissa there was an attack on the part of Maoist guerrillas. They attacked a police barracks and killed some of the officers. A state of emergency was declared immediately: the military arrived en masse in a few hours. At Christmas, instead - when it was the Christians who were suffering violence in the district of Kandhamal - It took four days. Why this difference in the reaction? ".
But there is also the problem of assistance for the victims, which is still unresolved. “They do not allow our organizations to bring assistance,” Archbishop Cheenath charges. “There are people there who have lost everything: their homes were burned, and they were left with nothing but the clothes on their backs. The government has promised to take care of them, but the help does not come. And the population continues to suffer.”
Together with the houses, in the district of Kandhamal, the work of 30 years has been completely destroyed: schools, clinics, centers of assistance. Even the house of the Missionaries of Charity, the male branch of the order of Mother Teresa of Calcutta - which shelters lepers and tuberculosis patients - was attacked. Everything was left to burn for hours, while the Christians were fleeing into the forest. And now school is held under the tents. “Misereor” - the international solidarity organization of the German Church - has come forward to help with reconstruction. But the government of Orissa is not giving them permission. For 42 days, the archbishop himself was refused permission to visit the stricken communities.
"Officially, " comments Archbishop Cheenath, "they tell us that this is for security reasons. But the truth is that they want to block the presence of Christian organizations. The Hindu extremists accuse us of carrying out conversions through aid operations. But this is a false accusation: everyone saw this in Orissa in 1999, when there was a tremendous cyclone. Two thousand of our volunteers were mobilized. And they helped everyone, without distinction. " In order to resolve the situation, the Supreme Court had to intervene on April 8, with a judgment that declared the ban illegitimate.
In looking at this big city, so much like so many others, it is difficult to believe that it is a haven for fanatics. “We know that many Hindus are against the violence, " the archbishop confirms.” Privately, they have even expressed solidarity with us. But they are afraid of speaking out. And so this campaign of hatred conducted by the fanatics is producing results. They are depicting us as enemies, and saying openly that they want to destroy us."
“But where do you think that all this hatred against Christians comes from?”, I ask him. **“I am convinced,” the archbishop replies, “that there is a hidden cause behind the religious extremism, one of a social nature. The real problem is not the conversions, but the work that the Christians in Orissa have done over the past 140 years on behalf of the tribals and the Dalits, the lowest in the caste system. Before, there were like slaves. Now, at least some of them study in our schools, start enterprises in the villages, assert their rights. **And those - even in the India of the economic boom - who want to keep intact the ancient caste divisions, are afraid that they will become too strong. The Orissa of today is a laboratory. At stake is the future of millions of Dalits and tribals living all over the country.”
Orissa is like the new laboratory for the fundamentalists: so many say this over and over again in the Christian community. Because it is true that this is one of the poorest states in the subcontinent. But also here in Bhubaneswar, something is starting to happen. You leave the archbishop’s residence and plunge into the Big Bazar, the brand new American-style shopping center. The airport - like all of the Indian airports - is in expansion.
“It seems incredible, but when we opened twenty years ago, it was still jungle around here,” recounts Fr. E. A. Augustine, director of the Xavier Institute of Management, one of the city’s most respected institutions. It is an economics faculty with an interesting history: it is the result of an agreement between the government of Orissa and the local Jesuit province.
So even in a state like Orissa, where an anti- conversion law is in effect, there is no difficulty in naming a public entity after St. Francis Xavier. Because in India, the Xavier School is synonymous with quality everywhere. “Everyone wants to imitate our structures, " continues Fr. Augustine, " they acknowledge their quality. Apart from some fanatics, they respect us. But we do not want to be a center for elites. For example, we also organize courses in rural management, designed for the development of villages.”
And then - also here in Bhubaneswar - there is the other face of the Jesuit presence. It is that of the Human Life Center, with its popular courses in spoken English to help those who have emigrated to the city from rural areas. Or the courses in tailoring, typing, computers, to provide opportunities for those who otherwise would have none. And then there are the seven schools opened right in the slums of Bhubaneswar. Because change must arrive there as well.
The impression is that in the end, the real problem lies here. The violence in Orissa is not simply the inheritance of a past that India is struggling to leave behind it. The clash concerns the present, and above all the future of the country. **It concerns a social situation in which those who for centuries have remained at the margins are beginning to come forward. And so those who - on the contrary - want to maintain the status quo are playing the card of the threat to identity. **
There is an important electoral appointment in view: in May of 2009, general elections will be held in India. The BJP - the Hindu nationalist party, defeated in 2004 by the alliance of the Congress Party and the left - is aiming at a comeback. And - as the violence against the Muslims in Gujarat demonstrated in 2002 - inciting tension among religious groups is the most effective way to consolidate the ranks. “It is no accident,” maintains Fr. Jimmy Dhabby, director of the Indian Social Institute in New Delhi, “that this violence against Christians erupted a few weeks after the reconfirmation of Narendra Modi, a leading member of the BJP, as head of the state of Gujarat. And that it happened in Orissa, a state where voting for the local government will be held in 2009.”
It is a game that is moving forward in Bhubaneswar. It’s enough to open the local edition of the newspaper on any day of the week to find statements like this, from the leader of the RSS K.S Sudar-shan: “There are many threats hanging over the nation: the violence of the Maoists, the Islamic jihad, the conversions of the Christian missionaries. We must be united in order to react. Do not wait for someone else to do it for you.”
Even the investigation opened by the government of Orissa to shed light on what happened at Christmas is proceeding according to rather questionable methods. **“After months without any news whatsoever,” John Dayal, secretary general of the All India Christian Council, charged on his blog, “the judge handling the case arrived without warning in the district of Kandhamal. He questioned the sisters and the priests. They were astounded when they were asked: Have you converted anyone here?” As if the object of the investigation were the activity of the Christians, and not the violence committed by the Hindu fanatics. **
Another worrying chapter is that of compensation. “So far no official indications have been provided,” Dayal continues, **“but we have read in the newspapers that while schools, hostels, and clinics will be able to receive a contribution of 200 thousand rupees (about 5 thousand dollars), the churches and convents will be excluded from anycompensation. If this were true, it would be not only surprising, but also offensive. The main targets of the attacks were precisely the churches and convents. Excluding them makes no sense.” **
This is the atmosphere now in Orissa. “An explosive situation is lurking beneath the ashes,” says H. Naik, of the Orissa Dalit Adivasi Action Net. “For some time the Hindu nationalists have been campaigning to ‘reconvert’ the tribal Christians. Are these not violations of the anti-conversion laws? Why do they not apply to them?”
After so many people were killed, so many homes and Christian churches burned, one question must be asked.** What is the difference with respect to the Islamic violence in other regions, for which - rightly - so much space is reserved in the media? And why does no one in the West raise his voice about what is happening in Orissa? The protest of the Christians in front of parliament in New Delhi at Easter did not appear in our newspapers. **
The reply of Archbishop Cheenath is a bitter one: “The India of today is a market sought after by everyone,” he explains. “There are strong economic interests, and everyone wants to have good relations with us. In this kind of situation, no one cares about what is happening to the minorities.”
It is an unsettling cry of pain that is coming from the Christians of Orissa today.
