L
Londoner
Guest
I was actually replying to @edwest211.
I think you’re conflating a number of factors that are actually quite separate and in some instances even contradictory. You talk about the Republican and Democratic parties, Marxism, socialism, liberalism, egalitarianism, and breaking down social class structures. You focus on ‘equality of outcome’, but you simply cannot separate equality of outcome from equality of opportunity.
Your first fallacy is suggesting that the Democratic Party is socialist, or even Marxist. In truth, the Democratic Party is politically centrist and socially only tentatively liberal. E.g., with one or two exceptions (e.g. Carter and Dukakis), Democrats have tended to support the death penalty. Clinton greatly expanded the scope of the federal death penalty, and even Obama, beloved of European liberals, supports the death penalty. If you were to compare the US Democratic Party with parties on the British political spectrum it would align quite closely with our Conservative Party (possibly even the right wing of the Conservative Party). Even the extreme left wing of the Democratic Party, e.g. as represented by Sanders, aligns with social democracy in the Nordic countries.
Marxism and socialism are not synonymous. If you consider Marxism as a theory explaining the development of economic systems, it is correct that socialism is supposedly a transitional stage between capitalism and communism. Therefore all Marxists are necessarily socialists. However, most socialists are not Marxists. Mainstream socialists today recognise a moderate form of socialism as an end in itself. This includes education and healthcare free at the point of use, welfare provision for those unable to work, a mandatory living wage for all workers, and strong, independent labour unions. None of this envisions communism as the eventual goal.
Liberalism and egalitarianism are ideas that predate Marxism by a century or more. They are ideas found in French and British political philosophy of the eighteenth century, finding expression in the revolutions in France and the British colonies that became the United States. Countries that enjoy both the lowest levels of inequality and the highest levels of social mobility (such as the Nordic countries) have managed to achieve this without recourse to seizure of the means of production.
Marxism, and the more dogmatic forms of socialism, are, in fact, inherently illiberal and anti-egalitarian. It is impossible for a society to be truly liberal if its citizens do not enjoy economic freedom. Indeed, because the more extreme forms of socialism are fundamentally unnatural, an element of conflict between the state and the citizen is built into the system. This necessitates both deprivation of freedom and the creation of a privileged ruling class (the nomenklatura in Soviet terms).
I don’t understand why liberals wouldn’t care about biases in academia and why they wouldn’t be interested in conducting studies on it. Being liberal doesn’t mean not caring about objectivity.You likely won’t find studies done by liberals because they don’t care; they have no reason to.
I think you’re conflating a number of factors that are actually quite separate and in some instances even contradictory. You talk about the Republican and Democratic parties, Marxism, socialism, liberalism, egalitarianism, and breaking down social class structures. You focus on ‘equality of outcome’, but you simply cannot separate equality of outcome from equality of opportunity.
Your first fallacy is suggesting that the Democratic Party is socialist, or even Marxist. In truth, the Democratic Party is politically centrist and socially only tentatively liberal. E.g., with one or two exceptions (e.g. Carter and Dukakis), Democrats have tended to support the death penalty. Clinton greatly expanded the scope of the federal death penalty, and even Obama, beloved of European liberals, supports the death penalty. If you were to compare the US Democratic Party with parties on the British political spectrum it would align quite closely with our Conservative Party (possibly even the right wing of the Conservative Party). Even the extreme left wing of the Democratic Party, e.g. as represented by Sanders, aligns with social democracy in the Nordic countries.
Marxism and socialism are not synonymous. If you consider Marxism as a theory explaining the development of economic systems, it is correct that socialism is supposedly a transitional stage between capitalism and communism. Therefore all Marxists are necessarily socialists. However, most socialists are not Marxists. Mainstream socialists today recognise a moderate form of socialism as an end in itself. This includes education and healthcare free at the point of use, welfare provision for those unable to work, a mandatory living wage for all workers, and strong, independent labour unions. None of this envisions communism as the eventual goal.
Liberalism and egalitarianism are ideas that predate Marxism by a century or more. They are ideas found in French and British political philosophy of the eighteenth century, finding expression in the revolutions in France and the British colonies that became the United States. Countries that enjoy both the lowest levels of inequality and the highest levels of social mobility (such as the Nordic countries) have managed to achieve this without recourse to seizure of the means of production.
Marxism, and the more dogmatic forms of socialism, are, in fact, inherently illiberal and anti-egalitarian. It is impossible for a society to be truly liberal if its citizens do not enjoy economic freedom. Indeed, because the more extreme forms of socialism are fundamentally unnatural, an element of conflict between the state and the citizen is built into the system. This necessitates both deprivation of freedom and the creation of a privileged ruling class (the nomenklatura in Soviet terms).