Brad:
It doesn’t. Tell me where it says it says step by step in the Constitution that judges should strike down laws passed by congress or force congress to modify laws. This, in effect, makes laws. That is the problem at hand. The Constitution certainly gives them no such authority. In fact, it explicitly gives the other branches authority that the judicial branch does not have but yet where it stumbles into constantly.
The Constitution gives the federal judiciary the power to hear “cases and controversies” that arise from federal law, including the Constititon. So if X says that Congress has passed a law violating his First Amendment rights, where does he bring his case for relief? To the federal courts. This has been settled for almost 200 years in a judicial decision (Marbury) that the President and Congress at the time reluctantly accepted because of political reasons, but even so, did accept it because they knew was the right answer.
I ask you to answer this connundrum: who else will decide these constititonal questions? If the Bill of Rights is supposed to act as a restraint on the behavior of Congress and the President, its obvious we can’t entrust either body with deciding such cases. Its the simple fox guarding the hen-house problem. Thus under separate of powers doctrine, it is the job of the courts.
Brad:
You are admitting that judges have acted outside their role in several cases and that there are remedies. This is what I am seeking - the remedies. Roe V. Wade was not concerned with facts of the states’ laws. Why does it still stand today? I’m not saying the issue lies only with the judges themselves. But some judges being allowed to operate outside of their authority IS the problem. Diversity of judges is not diverse enough which subsquently explains why layers of appeals is not a solution. Personal judicial philosphies are heavily skewed to the secularlistic mindset which is why Democrats are fighting tooth and nail not to disrupt this prevailing philosophy.
The answer is substantive restraints, not only accepting judicial candidates with one philosophy. The philosophy conservative candidates embrace would solve the Roe problem, but (1) none of them have done anything about it so far, (2) would bring country backwards in time to 1789, and (3) disturb other areas of law like civil rights and protections for the poor The latter involves moral issues where the Catholic stance is clear. So, in effect, you are proposing a solution that is WAY too overbroad and also ineffective.
Brad:
This doesn’t make any sense. Christians have been complaining about this for a couple decades or more. It is only now that politicians are starting to listen. We are not being “used”. We are demanding action. You can even see this playing out as many Republicans get cold feet in addressing the issue.
You are being used. You can ignore it if you want, but this entire scheme is just a political play for power. The leaders know that this play isn’t going to change the judiciary in any meaningful way. Its a way to rev up the Republican base and give certain leaders national exposure. By the way, I support neither party, just in case you think this is some liberal diatribe.
Brad:
Well, there you go. You are almost saying that judicial activism is ok as long as the “right” result is achieved. Well it may have been in this decision (although some may have good arguments against it), but it certainly hasn’t been in the many abortion cases, the case of Terri Schiavo and other disabled and elderly, and in the many of the marriage cases. Judges are not to determine what is “right”. They are to determine what the law says is right. The people determine this through their representatives.
I do think judges interpreting the law is OK as long as they stay within certain substantive boundaries. This is the way the law has worked for 1000s of years. We can add substantive limits to deal with abortion and euthanasia. This restraints will work 100% of the time. Appointing judges with originialist or textualist philosophies will not and will instead also undermine other moral issues we care about.
And again, about the juvenille death penalty case (Roper I think), the Court was not making up law. Read the Amendment and the case, as well as my post above explaining that it is the job of the judiciary to give current meaning to the Cruel and Unusual Clause.
And one final point, you say that the people are to determine the law judges are to apply in each case. While this is a true statement, it does not really apply to constitutional restraints like the Eighth Amendment. You can’t be saying that it is the job of the same body (Congress) to pass a punishment, the juvenille death penalty, and then later determine whether or not it is constitutional. You can’t trust both jobs to the same body or else the Bill of Rights will mean nothing.