M
Methodist
Guest
My guess is that you know more about this than I do, but yes, that is what I was thinking of. Basically, if that scandal had not taken place, there is every chance that devolved government would simply have continued as it had done for the previous decade, in which case the abortion question would have been settled (or left untouched) by the Stormont Assembly, not the Westminster Parliament.
Indeed, going back even further, one might note that Arlene Foster first rose to prominence as a potential First Minister in the wake of an earlier scandal involving Peter Robinson’s wife, Iris, having an extramarital affair with a teenager for whom she procured a £50,000 loan and the tender to operate a restaurant owned by the borough on whose council she served. Had this not happened, Foster would quite possibly have never become First Minister. I mean, maybe she would have become First Minister anyway, but, equally, maybe someone else would have emerged as the leading candidate had she not had that earlier boost.
Thus, Section 9 of the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019 really could not have been foreseen by any British voter when we voted on 8 June 2017. Not only was abortion in Northern Ireland not top of my list of priorities when choosing my MP in 2017, it was not something that was even on my radar. Also, if anybody cares to read the whole Act, they will see that the section concerning abortion is only a small part of rather complicated Act which includes provisions such as:
Indeed, going back even further, one might note that Arlene Foster first rose to prominence as a potential First Minister in the wake of an earlier scandal involving Peter Robinson’s wife, Iris, having an extramarital affair with a teenager for whom she procured a £50,000 loan and the tender to operate a restaurant owned by the borough on whose council she served. Had this not happened, Foster would quite possibly have never become First Minister. I mean, maybe she would have become First Minister anyway, but, equally, maybe someone else would have emerged as the leading candidate had she not had that earlier boost.
Thus, Section 9 of the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019 really could not have been foreseen by any British voter when we voted on 8 June 2017. Not only was abortion in Northern Ireland not top of my list of priorities when choosing my MP in 2017, it was not something that was even on my radar. Also, if anybody cares to read the whole Act, they will see that the section concerning abortion is only a small part of rather complicated Act which includes provisions such as:
If, as a result of Parliament standing prorogued or adjourned, a Minister of the Crown cannot comply with the obligations in subsection (2) or (3), a proclamation under the Meeting of Parliament Act 1797 shall require Parliament to meet on a specified day within the period within which compliance with subsection (3) is required and to meet on the five following days (other than Saturdays, Sundays or a day which is a bank holiday in the United Kingdom or in any part of the United Kingdom) to allow for compliance with subsection (3).
Well, that is an admirably moderate position. Certainly there are those who either try to explain away Trump’s crude behaviour (not just the sexual comments, but also, for example, mocking a disabled journalist) and there are even those who seem to somewhat revel in it (not so much the crude sexual comments as his tendency to be deliberately rude, insulting, and offensive about, well, anyone who isn’t 100% on board with Team Trump).He can be very crude, but in general, most (not all) of his policies were good.